In a welcoming atmosphere, worshipers slowly enter the Russian Orthodox church, hidden in an inconspicuous street riddled with ruts in the capital of the Central African Republic (CAR).
At first glance, there is nothing unusual about this Sunday morning scene in a predominantly Christian country.
But the church of Saint Andrew the First-Called, which is located about 20 minutes by car from the center of Bangui, is for some a symbol of friendly relations between Russia and the CAR.
Father Sergei Voyemava, who heads the only Russian Orthodox Church in the country, is dressed in floor-length white robes and an ornate golden robe.
Walking around the temple, he recites prayers and bathes, and the faithful follow his every move closely.
The walls of the modest building, with a concrete floor and an aluminum roof supported by wooden beams, are decorated with hand-painted figures of saints, and candles burn on the wooden altar.
At first, Father Vojemava hesitated whether to accept us.
Our visit came a few months after the death of Wagner chief Yevgeny Prigozhin in August, when increased surveillance was introduced and concerns grew about Russia's growing influence in the CAR, particularly the presence of a mercenary group.
Almost 200 Russian military instructors arrived in the CAR after President Fosten-Arshange Tuadera asked for help in dealing with rebel groups in 2018.
According to the report of the research group The Centry, Wagner then took advantage of weak institutions and a weak army to perfect a "plan for the capture of the state".
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"We saw that they focused on the four pillars of the state: political, economic, information, disinformation and propaganda, and military," Natalija Duken, senior researcher of the group The Sentry and a long-time correspondent from the country, she tells the BBC.
"They penetrate these sectors and threaten them for the sake of their financial and economic interests.
"In the mining sector, Wagner uses the national army for his own needs and to neutralize some armed groups that controlled certain areas of interest".
Duken says the mercenaries are running a "campaign of terror" and are responsible for widespread human rights abuses and crimes such as extrajudicial executions, torture and rape.
Earlier this year, the United Kingdom designated the network a terrorist group, and the United States labeled it a "serious transnational criminal organization."
However, after a decade of civil war, many Central Africans see the situation in a more complex way.
Father Vojemava emphasizes that he maintained relations with Russia even before the arrival of Wagner.
He started collecting funds for the construction of the church in 2010, and the work began five years later.
It is clear why he does not like to discuss politics: "Our relationship with Moscow is of a religious nature".
Still, it reveals to me how much things have changed since Wagner arrived.
"We Central Africans are very happy that the Russians are here today and in terms of security, so it's peaceful.
"There is peace in the Central African Republic.
"For five years we have been living in peace, without war".
This sentiment is now immortalized in the center of Bangui, where a sculpture of Russian soldiers protecting a woman and her children has been installed.
Withered bouquets of flowers from August of this year are still lying near the sculpture, with the message "to our best friend Yevgeny Prigozhin" written on them.
Pro-Russian sentiment has recently spread to West and Central Africa, where there have been eight military coups since 2020.
Some countries, including Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, reject former colonial power France, which they say has failed to respond to security challenges.
This is the opinion of many Central Africans.
"We need a partnership that benefits both parties.
"That's why the Russians are here ... so that this country can also benefit from future development," says Emery Bryce Gonzales, a businessman from the Central African Republic who recently returned to Bangui after living in France for two decades.
"If the Russians applied the same policy as France in Africa, it would not work."
Bambari, the capital of Ouaka Prefecture, located about 400 kilometers from Bangui, was scene of some of the worst types of violence committed during the conflict, and now is an indication that security is slowly improving.
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The only way to get to the city is by plane under the auspices of the United Nations (UN), which flies three times a week.
Driving by car is not recommended and would take days as the roads are quite bad or non-existent.
It is an example that inexorably evokes the challenges the country is facing.
Another indicator of those challenges is the presence of numerous members of the UN peacekeeping mission, which is known by the abbreviation MINUSCA (the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic).
They are recognizable by their blue helmets and white vehicles and are spread all over the city.
Since 2014, MINUSCA has played an important role in protecting the civilian population and working with the authorities, but has no authority to take sides or take offensive actions.
Two years ago, Bambari was under the control of the rebels, but now it is a lively and bustling city, although the remains of burnt buildings are still visible.
Thanks to the relative peace, XNUMX-year-old Giovanni Renemea, who like thousands of other children was recruited into armed groups, can hope for a better future.
She and her grandmother were captured by the rebels and taken to a labor camp.
"I've had trauma for a long time," says Giovanni quietly.
She recounts the horrific physical abuse she suffered and how she narrowly escaped being forced to marry one of the rebels.
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After a year in the labor camp, she and her grandmother managed to escape when they went to fetch water.
Later, she started raising pigs with her parents to save money, because she dreams of becoming a doctor.
Victor Bisecoin, the governor of Ouaka, believes that the return to normal life would not have been possible without the intervention of Wagner's fighters.
"When we asked for weapons and support from the international community, they imposed sanctions on us," he told the BBC.
"The Russians arrived here in 2021 and over the next two years helped us establish control over the entire country, except for some small pockets along the borders with some countries.
"When your house is on fire and you cry: 'Fire! Fire!' you don't care if the water you quench it with is fresh or salt.
"All you think about is how to put out the fire."
President Tuadera justifies the presence of Wagnerians in his country.
"It was said that armed groups occupied 80 percent of the country's territory.
"Today, thanks to this cooperation, these figures are completely reversed," the president says in an interview with the BBC, which was approved only after several days of negotiations.
It was held in the presidential palace in Bangui.
The XNUMX-year-old Tuadera, whose proposal to abolish the limit on the number of presidential terms received controversial support in a referendum held earlier this year, is often surrounded by Wagner fighters.
It was the first time we saw the mercenaries up close.
A group of them in military uniforms and baklavas on their heads rushes in and out of the palace.
During the conversation, the president admits that there are still challenges that need to be addressed.
"We are training our defense forces to become professional soldiers who will be able to protect the population."
When asked about allegations that Wagner's mercenaries committed serious violations of human rights, including torture, rape and extrajudicial executions, he replied that an investigative committee had been formed to verify these allegations.
Dissenters are suspicious.
"It is very dangerous, because Wagner is involved in the economy, security, politics, and now he leads the country," former Prime Minister Martin Zigaili told the BBC.
At first he supported the request for Russian help, but became disillusioned when they sent mercenaries from Wagner, a "criminal group".
"They have complete freedom to do what they want, to go where they want and to decide how they want," he emphasizes.
President Tuadera refuses to say when Wagner might leave the country, stressing that peace comes first.
Dukan claims that this is part of Wagner's strategy to plant roots everywhere and thus make the country dependent.
It was believed that Wagner's power in Africa would weaken after Prigozhin's failed rebellion against Russian President Vladimir Putin and then after his death, but the group has not been disbanded and its fighters have yet to be fully integrated into the regular Russian army.
"They are reorganizing, moving their people and equipment," adds Dukan.
"Initially, some interpreted these activities as a departure, but they were wrong.
"It's just a reorganization."
And all this seems to be commonplace in the Central African Republic.
This is also confirmed by the scene in the presidential palace. Namely, two Russians without face masks were quickly introduced to the president while we were waiting to talk with him.
One of them is senior Wagner official Dmitri Siti, who was with Prigozhin in the last video released before his death.
Rumor has it that he is the new boss of the group.
Another indicator is advertisements for a new Russian beer Africa Ti L'Or, which are placed all over Bangui.
In the Bangui bar Pećina (Cellar), it is clear that the aggressive marketing campaign has already borne fruit.
"I wish there was more of it in the Central African Republic," says Max Franklin, sipping a beer Africa Ti L'Or, which is considered stronger than domestic and is more profitable because it is sold in larger bottles.
Additional reporting by Efrem Gabrib.
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