The image of countless mobile phone flashes from the night of March 15th from Belgrade's Slavija Square, which many compared to scenes from distant galaxies, quickly went around the world.
It was published by numerous media outlets, reporting on one of the largest protests in modern Serbian history, which, according to various sources, gathered between 100.000 and 300.000 people.
All of them are just part of the dissatisfied who have been taking to the streets of more than 400 cities, towns and settlements across Serbia for months, demanding responsibility for the collapse of a canopy and the deaths of 15 people in Novi Sad.
However, the biggest political crisis in Serbia since 2012, when the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and President Aleksandar Vučić came to power, seems to be passing under the radar in Europe and the world.
Officials from the major powers have not commented much on this picture in the largest country in a rather volatile region like the Western Balkans, and a candidate for membership in the European Union (EU), so far.
"Compared to some other periods in Serbian history, it can definitely be said that Europe and America are silent on the issue of protests in Serbia," Vedran Džihić, a senior researcher at the Austrian Institute for International Politics, told BBC Serbian.
"If we compare the current situation with the protests against Slobodan Milošević in the 1990s, when both the EU and the US openly supported everything, the difference is strikingly large."
- What next after the largest student protest in Belgrade?
- Are student protests in Serbia a 'color revolution' as authorities claim?
- Are student protests affecting Serbia's economy?
The reactions of China and Russia are somewhat different.
While Beijing is talking about "significant progress of Serbia" Under the leadership of President Vučić, Russian officials, like their Serbian counterparts, call the student protests "colored revolution".
"It seems to me that we are left to our own devices," Jelica Kurjak, former Serbian ambassador to Moscow, now an official of Zdravko Ponoš's opposition movement Serbia Center (Srce), tells the BBC.
"Young people have taken matters into their own hands, something that has never been seen before is happening, including students of the Orthodox and Islamic faiths in Serbia praying together at protests, while Europe and the world are silent."
Watch the video: Student protest in Belgrade "15 for 15" from the air
Oh, Tišini, protest the geopoliticians
There are several reasons for this geopolitical silence, Džihić believes.
The first is the "incomparably smaller significance" of today's Western Balkans than that of the war-torn nineties.
"Due to global priorities, such as the war in Ukraine and the Middle East, along with the major changes caused by Trump, events in Serbia are not receiving as much attention," says Džihić.
This is why European and world officials are going into politics „wait and see" - they are waiting to see what will happen.
However, even though something is not visible to the naked eye or in the media, that does not mean that nothing is happening beneath the surface, points out Neven Andjelic, professor of international relations at Regent's University in London.
Certain institutions in leading European countries are certainly monitoring developments in Serbia and are in some stage of preparation for how their country should react if there is further escalation.
"What angers me is the hypocrisy of these democracies," Andjelic tells BBC Serbian.
"As soon as there is no threat to the West, a kind of status quo is maintained, and no one cares about the people who are fighting for democracy in the streets."
This, he adds, is evident from "the great attention paid in the West to pro-Western demonstrations and elections in Georgia, where pro-Western forces narrowly lost, and very little in the elections in Moldova, where are you Pro-Western forces barely won."
"Silence is one of the few things where the British behave like European Union countries after Brexit, even though the media there reported on the demonstrations in Belgrade on March 15," says Andjelic.
Watch the video: 'This is the domino that will start an avalanche' - welcoming students from various parts of Serbia in Belgrade
According to the last Freedom House report, an international organization dealing with human rights, Serbia recorded the largest decline in the last ten years.
They classify Serbia as a hybrid regime, in which elections "are not always free and fair, but are not always absolutely rigged," and they particularly highlight the great pressure the ruling party exerts on the media.
Serbia has continued to decline on the list of levels of corruption in the public sector, stated in the Transparency report - in Europe, only Bosnia and Herzegovina and Belarus are worse, they point out.
Many see corruption as the main cause of the collapse of the canopy in Novi Sad, for which students are demanding through blockades and protests that responsibility be established, as well as that institutions be made operational.
"If a regime, even if it is autocratic, does not flirt with Russia, which is the main confrontation today, then the West will tolerate it as long as it does not go overboard," Andjelic believes.
However, there is something to the nature of the protests themselves, which are not banned in Serbia, as well as to the students, says Edward P. Joseph, professor of international relations at Johns Hopkins University.
"There is a risk that too much support could discredit or undermine the protests - it would reinforce the thesis in the eyes of the authorities that everything is organized by the West," Joseph says in an interview with the BBC in Serbian.
There is also an "element of respecting students' wishes."
Since the beginning of the blockades, they have repeatedly distanced themselves from political parties and the opposition in Serbia, as well as from "external factors," he adds.
"There is no desire on the student side for that... They don't wave the European Union flag, for example," says Joseph.
Kurjak finally adds that the EU and America, as great powers, are looking at their own interests, which is to "remain the status quo until the war in Ukraine ends and the pie called the international scene is divided in a new way."
"First, because they don't know who could come to power, but they are also afraid of such a scoundrel among them," says the former Serbian ambassador to Russia.
"They don't want the virus to invade their campuses."
- Student blockades and institutions: Who is responsible for fulfilling the demands?
- The fight against corruption in the era of the Progressive Party: What has been done from 2012 to today
- From March 9th to the blockades: How the government responded to student protests
They said about the protests
- European Union
"The European Union is closely monitoring the current political situation in Serbia," it said. in the statement of the European Delegation to Serbia dated March 14, on the eve of a major protest in Belgrade.
They also pointed out that "freedom of assembly is a fundamental right that should be protected and exercised peacefully", ensuring "the safety of participants and institutions".
Since the beginning of the protest, they have spoken out several more times, mostly in a similar tone, mentioning the right to freedom of assembly and calls for dialogue.
On one occasion expulsion of Croatian citizens from Belgrade, then general strike, while in January they were "very concerned" about a student being run over by a car.
Serbia has been a candidate for EU membership since 2012.
Negotiations formally began in 2014, but have stalled for years, which is why President Vučić announced an offensive, with the intention of completing all tasks by the end of 2026.
"The continuity of the European Union's relations with the government and regime in Serbia can be described as stabilocracy," believes Džihić.
In practice, this means "the belief that Vučić must have one narrative at home, another abroad, but that he is on the side of the West and the guarantor of security in the region."
"This indirectly strengthened his power and allowed him to do some things on the domestic front."
"Since 2013, we haven't had a single serious moment of criticism, except maybe after the 2023 elections," Džihić believes.
Andjelic sees this as an example of "the hypocrisy of Brussels and the West towards Serbia and other countries, where certain behaviors are tolerated that would be unacceptable in those countries."
Watch the video: Dijana Hrka, mother of the murdered Stefan: "These are my children who are bleeding and fighting for justice"
However, from time to time, certain criticisms could be heard from the European Parliament.
First of all, from Tonino Picula, Croatian parliamentarian and chief rapporteur on Serbia's progress towards the EU, whose first official visit to Belgrade caused quite a stir.
"The fall of the Serbian government is a consequence of the increasingly strong pressure of the spontaneously mobilized domestic public, led by students, on the regime of Aleksandar Vučić, and not the 'invisible hand' of foreign forces as represented by the resigning prime minister," Picula said on January 28, the day of Vučević's resignation.
To claims of a color revolution, he responded that it was more a "coloring of the public."
- What are pressure groups and do they influence the government in Serbia?
- 'Arrogance is a form of insecurity': What we saw during Tonino Picula's first official visit to Serbia
- Expulsion of foreigners from Belgrade: Straining relations between Serbia and Croatia
What does Germany think about the protests in Serbia?
Aleksandar Miladinović, BBC contributing journalist, Berlin
Just as the last stage of the social crisis has been going on in Serbia, Germany is experiencing a political crisis of government collapse, snap elections, and constitutional changes.
Just a week after the canopy collapsed at the Novi Sad train station, the German coalition government fell apart over a dispute over spending budget money.
Preoccupied with the fast-paced election race, the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza, Trump's return, and tariffs, the German public did not have the protests in Serbia on its radar.
However, the sonic incident and the large number of Belgrade protests brought the streets of Belgrade back into the headlines.
Until then, sporadic admiration for photographs and peaceful gatherings was replaced by questioning the consequences of using an unidentified sound device to attack demonstrators, as well as the state of democracy under Aleksandar Vučić's regime.
However, there are no harsher messages from official Berlin, partly because there is no one to send them: Olaf Scholz's government is only carrying out technical tasks and is waiting for a new cabinet.
The only tweet from the German Foreign Ministry from December 2024, in which Serbia, as a candidate for EU membership, is called upon to respect the right of students and journalists demanding an investigation into the accident in Novi Sad to express their opinions freely, without intimidation, remained in deep shadow.
In an equally deep shadow in Serbia remained the news that, right in the midst of the blockade in January, Belgrade and Berlin extended the contract of Jörg Heskens, an economist who has been part of the Serbian president's advisory team for a decade.
Heskens is in charge of bringing German investments to Serbia, and his salary comes from Germany.
Even without these shadows, everything looked exactly like Berlin's policy towards Serbia in the last few years - apart from a few harsher verbal statements by the Greens, economic issues and cooperation in the lithium mining project were a strong argument for Chancellor Scholz not to even mention democratic standards during his visit to Belgrade in 2024.
The departure of the Greens into opposition and the apparent return of the conservatives to key positions in government are a reminder that the party of future Chancellor Merz is in the same European alliance of parties as the Serbian Progressives.
Without a clear political alternative emerging from the student protests, it is clear who could be in a better position to explain their own vision of Serbia after the blockades to the new German government.
- German MP tells BBC: "The influence of foreign powers would be nothing compared to the tragedy in Novi Sad"
- What is a transitional government and could Serbia get one?
- What are the citizens' assemblies called for by the students in the blockade?
- America
Richard Grenell, US President Donald Trump's envoy for special missions, shared a video of the protests in Serbia on X on January 26th.
He wrote alongside it that the ability to "raise one's voice" is important, but also that "there is no support for those who undermine the rule of law and forcibly occupy state institution buildings."
"The democratic process must be respected," Grenell added, which was the new US administration's first reaction to the protests.
The special envoy for the negotiations between Serbia and Kosovo from Trump's previous term is a welcome guest in Belgrade.
He received the Order of the Serbian Flag, first degree, from President Vučić for "outstanding merits in developing and strengthening peaceful cooperation and friendly relations between the two countries."
Together with Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner, he is leading a project to build a hotel on the site of the former General Staff in Belgrade, which was hit during the NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999.
"Yes, it is true that Grenell posted a tweet in support of the authorities, but that was before the attack in Novi Sad when the girl was beaten, so Prime Minister Vučević resigned."
"From that moment on, he didn't make any noise, not even when smoke bombs and clashes were seen in the National Assembly, and he's constantly tweeting something, which is not insignificant," says Joseph of Johns Hopkins University.
However, he also points out that there is "a lot of inconsistency" when it comes to the Trump administration's policies, and it's "hard to say what their approach is."
"They emphasize caring for American interests as their main goal, but we don't know how they assess them when it comes to Serbia and Vučić - we saw that Trump wants rare metals and minerals in Ukraine, and it is known that Serbia has lithium reserves, but it is not very clear whether Vučić could deliver it."
"At the same time, he often speaks of a steely friendship with China and has hosted (Chinese President) Xi Jinping... The Trump administration may not like that," the professor said.
Just before the protest on March 15, Trump's son, Donald Trump Jr., also visited Belgrade, meeting with President Vučić and interviewing him for a podcast.
Watch the video: Turmoil in the Serbian Parliament - smoke bombs, bone-chilling and injuries
- Rusija
Western countries are making plans to destabilize the situation in Serbia using the mechanisms of "color revolutions" and exerting pressure on the country's legitimate authorities, Maria Zakharova, spokeswoman for the Russian Foreign Ministry, said on December 26.
A month later, she warned that "he must not allow chaos to reign in Serbia."
In early March, Vučić had a telephone conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin, who on that occasion "condemned foreign interference in Serbian politics."
"It is normal for Russia to react like this, it considers Serbia a zone of its own interests," says Jelica Kurjak, ambassador to Moscow from 2008 to 2012.
"At the same time, the Kremlin is receiving very positive signals from here and has many sympathizers in the government."
Since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, official Belgrade has repeatedly condemned the Russian invasion, but has refused to join the West's sanctions against Moscow.
One can often hear theses about the friendship between the two countries, such as the words of the Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin, that "Whenever it is difficult, Serbia has Russia, expecting brotherly help from it."
"This is nothing new, there has been sympathy for Russia all along, including during the 2000s, and it is fueled by the Serbian Orthodox Church, the army, and political leaders."
"Russia at that time is only interested in the government and its influence here, it is not interested in the people, which is why it is not ruled out that they are helping to prevent student protests," Kurjak believes.
Since the beginning of the protests, Vučić has also had a telephone conversation with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, who met with his Serbian counterpart Marko Đurić in Moscow, as well as with Vulin in Minsk, the capital of Belarus.
"That's mostly Vulin's job, to go there and reassure the Russian partners that nothing will happen here, that they are loyal and that everything will be as they agreed," says Kurjak.
- Vučić: We are not imposing sanctions on Russia, nor will we nationalize the assets of Russian companies
- US sanctions on NIS postponed for 30 days, claims Vučić
- Serbian-American Energy Agreement: What does it mean?
Three focal points
"Vučić could potentially turn international institutions against himself if he gets too involved either in Kosovo, where he has been careful so far, or in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where (Republika Srpska President) Milorad Dodik is in big trouble," Andđelić believes.
"These are things that the West would not forgive him for, and that could perhaps change their attitude towards him, and therefore the protests in Serbia."
- Kosovo
One of the common opposition claims is that the situation in Serbia is being kept quiet because of - Kosovo.
They say that the decades-long conflict is expected to be resolved during President Vučić's term.
"Since Vučić's emergence at the top of Serbian government, I have believed that he is the only politician in Serbia who can truly end this issue," says Andjelic.
"He is recognized as a big enough nationalist that a significant part of the nationalist electorate would accept Kosovo's independence, and no other option has that much power and influence."
Džihić says that this story has existed since the Brussels Agreement between Belgrade and Pristina in 2013.
"And yes, since Vučić came to power, nothing has happened except the strengthening of Kosovo's sovereignty, which is now de facto more of a state than it was before," Džihić states.
In northern Kosovo, where the majority of the population is Serbian, a number of institutions in the Serbian state system were closed in 2024, such as the Post Office and municipal facilities, which are not recognized by official Pristina.
The dinar was previously abolished, while Serbia no longer issues car license plates for cities in Kosovo.
"Yet, paradoxically, one could say that Vučić is no longer such a central figure for resolving the Kosovo issue, it could also be a new government in Serbia, new actors," believes Džihić.
The West cares about the stability of Kosovo and Vučić is "no longer the key factor he was," especially "in combination with (Kosovo Prime Minister Albin) Kurti."
"The two of them are like cat and dog," he says shortly.
Vučić previously stated that "a solution to the Kosovo-Metohija problem that would be satisfactory for Serbs does not exist" and that "there is no miracle worker who can bring it about."
He often emphasizes that Serbia will never recognize Kosovo's independence.
- How much less Serbia is in Kosovo
- Kosovo: What is life like south of the Ibar River?
- Kosovo elections: Kurti's Pyrrhic victory or a new prime ministerial mandate
- Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina is always relevant, Džihić points out.
Especially amid a series of controversial laws by Republika Srpska (RS) President Milorad Dodik, as well as a draft of the new RS Constitution, which takes away a number of competencies from BiH.
One of the latest announcements is introduction of the RS border police.
Bosnia and Herzegovina was divided by the Dayton Agreement of 1995 into the Republika Srpska, where the majority Serb population lives, and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the majority are Bosniaks and Croats.
Dodik has announced the secession of RS countless times, which has always been just words and a lot of tension, but now institutional steps have been taken towards it.
"The idea that Vučić can tame and discipline Dodik a little has played a role so far."
"But that is now out of the question, as Dodik has decided on a new radical strategy and can only drag Vučić into even greater difficulties," Džihić believes.
The West reacted sharply to the adoption of several controversial laws in the Republika Srpska parliament, siding with the sovereignty of BiH, especially US Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
"Vučić's well-tuned geopolitical and regional game, where he presents himself as a factor of stability, is more or less falling apart into pieces," says Džihić.
- Dodik sentenced to one year in prison for disrespecting the High Representative for BiH
- Constitutional Court temporarily repeals controversial laws, BiH Prosecutor's Office orders Dodik's arrest
- Is Republika Srpska heading towards independence: What does the draft of the new Constitution say?
- Ukraine
Finally, there is the war in Ukraine.
The rapprochement between Moscow and Washington over a peace agreement, with Trump announcing that he would negotiate an end to the war, could affect the Western Balkans, believes Džihić.
"One option is for the Balkans to remain a zone of turmoil and battle between China, Russia, the European Union and America, which would work in Vučić's favor."
"It is another thing for Europe to emerge stronger from everything and place its bets on bringing its countries together around certain rules - in that case, the issue of EU enlargement based on values could come on the agenda and thus the Western Balkans would become relevant."
"The periphery of this new, stronger EU should be a training ground where Europe would show that it seriously stands behind its principles and values, and that is what Vučić and Dodik, I believe, are afraid of."
- "Serbia is home for me now" - a new life for a Russian in the Balkans
- Where Kosovo, Serbia, Russia and Ukraine intertwine
- Has Putin changed his position on Kosovo or is he using it as a "trade chip" with the West
Follow us on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube i Viber. If you have a topic suggestion for us, please contact bbcnasrpskom@bbc.co.uk
Bonus video:
