After more than five months of duel between the student movement and the government in Serbia, the mastermind could hold his own at the polls.
Later on preparation On blocked faculties, streets, roads and social networks, where a large number of people supported them, students changed tactics with the desire to enter the election race.
On official social media accounts students whoblock the faculties A request was published to call early parliamentary elections.
There was enough time to fulfill the demands made more than four months ago, and that has not happened yet, explains Bogdan Vučić, a third-year student at the Faculty of Political Sciences.
"Since there was no will for it in the political sphere, we had to enter that sphere and want the change of government, which has shown itself to be deaf to our demands," he tells BBC Serbian.
The idea is for students to nominate a list and seek support for it, but it is not yet clear who could play in the starting lineup, who would be on the bench, and who, as the brains of the team, could lead the government in the event of victory.
The students in the blockade did not provide too many details, and they briefly told the BBC in Serbian that they were working on it.
This move is "reasonable", although "perhaps a bit late", because it has been clear for "a month or two" that the government will not meet their demands, believes Dušan Vučićević, professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences (FPN).
"That's why political articulation and the search for a solution that students, as the largest social force, would stand behind, have begun," he tells the BBC in Serbian.
Prema survey According to the Center for Research, Transparency and Accountability (CRTA), the majority of citizens supported the student protests in April and understand that their demands have not been met, even though the government claims they have.
However, Vladan Petrov, a professor at the Faculty of Law in Belgrade who opposes the blockades, believes that Article 109 of the Serbian Constitution, which the students are referring to, 'has no legal weight, nor does it oblige the Government and the President to call elections'.
"We can talk about political weight, because it could be an exit strategy for students in the blockade to try to resolve the socio-political crisis, which is largely induced by the blockades themselves, as unconstitutional and illegal actions," Petrov tells BBC Serbian.
Student protests are already overthrew the government of Miloš Vučević, and the leaders of the ruling parties declared that the new government they led by Professor Đuro Macut has a stable majority and that there is no need for elections.
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However, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić told students reports from Moscow that they are preparing for early elections and that they will not have to wait long for them.
Although he called for talks, the students had previously told him that he was an 'incompetent institution' for their demands, which primarily related to the judiciary and prosecution.
Vučić is now reminding them who is calling the elections.
"Then who are they asking for elections from? They said they wouldn't talk to me because I'm an irrelevant institution, right?" Vučić told Radio Television of Serbia.
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Student blockades of faculties and protests began in November 2024 due to the collapse of the canopy of the twice-reconstructed railway station in Novi Sad, which resulted in 16 people killed, one woman seriously injured.
For more than five months, students organized protests in dozens of cities in Serbia, the most massive of which were in Belgrade, Niš, Novi Sad, Kragujevac, and Novi Pazar, demanding responsibility for the tragedy in Novi Sad and attacks on protest participants.
One of the largest rallies in Serbia was held on March 15th in the capital, but was abruptly interrupted amid accusations that 'Sound cannon' used against peaceful protesters, which the government denies.
After that protest, it became clear that mass mobilization could not lead to fundamental change and that a different approach was needed, believes Florian Biber, a political scientist at the University of Graz.
"It also became clear that students don't have an unlimited period of time, that it's very difficult to maintain that level of support and mobilization once the summer starts, and that's why I think they chose this moment," Bieber tells BBC Serbian.
The evolution of the student movement: From addressing institutions to a transitional government and elections
The students initially insisted that their demands be met by the institutions and refused talks with both the authorities and the opposition.
At the protests, one could often hear that 'they don't want to change the government, but the system'.
They called on citizens to strike and self-organize through assemblies in their communities, but with partial success.
Blocked withand the work of the Public Service Broadcasting - RTS.
There were also initiatives for a transitional government that would meet the students' demands, which the ruling coalition rejected.
The government offered elections in December, but the opposition refused at the time, dissatisfied with the election conditions.
Now the elections are proposed by the students.
This is not a turn towards politics, because the demands were about politics from the beginning, explains the FPN student.
"We will not become a party now, we will not be MPs and officials, but we want a change of government," explains Bogdan Vučić.
The student movement did not change the framework, but it did change the models of struggle, which is essentially political, believes FPN professor Vučićević.
"The point of the request to call elections is to later form an assembly that will elect a government with a fixed-term mandate and the task of fulfilling the students' demands," he explains.
Ideas like a general strike and a general uprising of citizens were scenarios they wanted more than elections, but they probably worked to a lesser extent than the students expected, Vučević adds.
"But now they can be used as instruments in the fight for better electoral conditions and controls on election day itself," he says.
Law Faculty professor Petrov believes that the request to call elections "is not a turnabout," because he sees the students' actions as "an organized action that had several alternative scenarios."
"After almost six months, it became clear that no one cared about the initial demands anymore and that the blockades had become unbearable."
"It was necessary to implement this political scenario in order to request the calling of early elections instead of the transitional government they did not get," says Petrov.
The relationship between students and political parties
Since the beginning of the blockades, students have distanced themselves from political parties.
They are now seeking opposition support for their future list.
"It is true that some political actors have offered us help with election logistics, for which we are grateful and look forward to any support, but our stance towards opposition parties has not changed at all," law student Aleksandra Nikolić tells BBC Serbian.
The students "are trying to create a framework for true political pluralism and democracy, which also benefits the opposition," she adds.
Although research shows that a non-partisan list has greater potential for a good result in the elections, students should not give up logistical assistance from the opposition, believes Dušan Vučićević.
"Opposition parties can help with their experience in electoral processes, in collecting and submitting signatures, and in training election monitors," he explains.
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Some of the opposition parties have already offered this.
The Democratic Party is announced that she would support the student list and would not run her own candidate, if elections are called.
"This is not a fight for power and mandates, but for freedom, basic normality and decency, and it is necessary for all opposition parties to help as they can and as much as necessary," says DS President Srđan Milivojević.
Branimir Nestorović, leader of the We, the Power of the People movement, also welcomes the students' turn to the elections, but points out that the issue of supporting their possible list is "much more complicated."
"We don't know what their political orientation and positions are on key issues such as the status of Kosovo, orientation towards the European Union or the exploitation of lithium in Serbia, so we cannot give blanko support," notes Nestorović.
From the opposition Green Left Front (ZLF) are supported "political organizing of students" and added that they are open to cooperation and support for that list.
The Freedom and Justice Party (SSP) also positively assesses the students' request, although they believe that forming a transitional government is a better solution, but they are "ready to discuss other modalities." they announced on the X platform.
The NADA coalition, led by the New Democratic Party (NDSS), also advocates the formation of a transitional government as the "only reasonable solution" for holding fair elections.
"If that doesn't happen, and this new idea disrupts that unity, a terrible mistake will be made and another opportunity for things to start normalizing in Serbia will be missed," Miloš Jovanović, leader of the NDSS, announced.
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What do the authorities say?
The Serbian Progressive Party will not participate in "something that would lead us to a disaster for the state," the president says and Miloš Vučević's party on the student call for elections.
"If we get to a point where we don't have an assembly and a government, they won't watch that story," added Vučević.
Ivica Dačić, leader of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), the coalition partner of the Progressives, also opposes holding early parliamentary elections.
"I am not a supporter of any extraordinary events, but of regular elections, and I have never hidden that," Dačić said.
Are there conditions for a fair game?
The electoral conditions have long been a point of contention between the government and the opposition in Serbia, and there have been complaints from around the world.
After the parliamentary and local elections in December 2023, the European Parliament adopted the resolution stating that the elections "were not fair".
Similar rating The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) also expressed its concerns, and several protests were organized in Belgrade due to the irregularities.
Students believe that "it is possible to reduce irregularities" in elections, primarily by "participating as many citizens as possible in controlling and observing the elections," says Bogdan Vučić, a student at the Faculty of Political Science.
This time, more eyes from abroad could be looking at Serbia during the election process.
"The European Union's messages are much clearer than a month ago, and due to student protests in Europe, which makes it easier to vote and any possible manipulation will be much more visible, especially on election day," says political scientist Florian Bieber.
In the meantime, it was adopted critical report and resolution on Serbia in the European Parliament, and they also advertised certain officials from Brussels.
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If the polls are held soon, Serbia "definitely will not have fair elections," but the conditions will be the most favorable since 2012, when the SNS was in power, says Dušan Vučićević.
The inequality between the ruling and opposition lists is reflected in "access to the media, resources, and the system," he believes.
"It is true that television stations with national frequencies have not opened up to students, but they have managed to correct this to some extent through campaigns, walking around Serbia, and mostly through their activities on social networks," he says.
What next, with or without elections?
If there are elections, they will be "referendum-based," says Bieber.
A list compiled by students without the participation of political parties as a significant player in parliamentary elections would be "a new moment in the European context," he points out.
Students are demanding that elections be called for June this year, which Vučićević considers "rational."
It would help, he adds, if the social and political crisis were resolved as soon as possible and the school year ended.
"Elections are not usually held in July and August, although we have never had them before, and it is hard to imagine them being held in September, because the campaign would have to be conducted in July and August," says the political scientist.
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Local elections are scheduled for early June in Kosjerić and Zaječar, which could influence the decision to call elections, and "any opposition result higher than 40 percent" is a sign that the government's support has been crowned, Vučićević added.
Vladan Petrov "wants to believe" that calling elections would encourage students to end the blockades and save the school year "at the last minute."
"Unfortunately, it is very possible that the policy of conditionality will continue, as the list of demands is expanding and the blockades are not ending," Petrov says.
It is not certain that the elections will mean an end to the faculty blockades.
Calling elections without meeting the students' other demands does not necessarily mean that the blockades will be lifted, says student Nikolić.
"One of the basic principles of blockades is to remain in the blockade until the demands are met, and only the plenums make a decision about that and we remain consistent with direct democracy."
"If there is no election, we move on, the fight continues and we will find the next solution," Nikolić concludes.
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