When Massoud Pezeshkian entered the Iranian presidential palace the day after his inauguration for the President in July 2024, he inherited more than a country in crisis - he walked straight into political hell.
A few hours after the swearing-in ceremony, news arrived of an Israeli airstrike - not in the Palestinian enclave of Gaza, but in the heart of Tehran.
Iran has traditionally been the largest supporter of the extremist group Hamas in terms of funds, weapons and political support.
Assassination of Hamas political wing leader Ismail Haniyeh sent shockwaves through the region and shattered any illusion of a smooth transition in Iran.
It was a dramatic opening act to what would become one of the most turbulent years in the history of the Islamic Republic.
From hope to adversity
Pezeshkiyan came to power after a national shock.
His predecessor, hardline President Ebrahim Raisi, died along with the Iranian foreign minister in a helicopter crash.
Therefore, snap elections were held within a few weeks.
In that tight timeframe, Pezeshkiyan, a cardiac surgeon, former health minister and MP, received a boost.
His moderate tone, his milder stance on regulations on wearing the hijab (women must cover their heads with headscarves when outside) and social restrictions, and the promise of dialogue rather than confrontation with the West, offered a glimmer of hope to the sanctions-weary country.
But just a few months after the Pezeskians came to power, Israel launched a wave of devastating strikes, to follow United States attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities.
The already fragile Iranian economy has been further shaken.
The country was hit by electricity and water shortages.
The optimism that briefly rose in the summer of 2024 has given way to deepening despair.
What went wrong?
Short answer: in Iran, the president is in power, but he doesn't govern.
Unlike many other countries, the Iranian president is not the most powerful political figure in the country.
According to the constitution of the Islamic Republic, real power lies in the hands of the supreme leader.
Since 1989, that position has been held by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has complete control over the military, judiciary, intelligence services and, crucially, foreign policy.
Pezeshkian did win the presidential election, but his power was always limited by the system's unelected centers of power: the Revolutionary Guard, the Guardian Council, and the office of the Supreme Leader.
Even his cabinet choices require tacit support from above.
When it came to diplomacy - whether on the nuclear program or responding to regional escalations - Pezeshkian often acted less as a decision-maker and more as a spokesman, expressing views formed elsewhere.
Other elections that were more important
Iranians have a well-known joke: "We should be allowed to vote in American elections - we're the ones who feel the consequences."
This joke was never truer than in November 2024, when Donald Trump won the US presidential election, which many interpreted as the worst possible scenario for Tehran.
His first presidential term has already brought US-Iran relations to the brink: he unilaterally withdrew from the painstakingly negotiated nuclear deal, imposed devastating sanctions, and ordered the assassination of General Qassem Soleimani, one of Iran's most powerful military figures.
Trump's return signaled trouble - and Iran knew it.
Soon after, Israel intensified its military campaign against Iran's regional allies: Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the Houthis in Yemen.
A year of escalating conflict followed.
For Pezeskian, it was the worst possible timing: a moderate president caught in the crossfire, with almost no leverage to change the course of the situation.
'You are not Zelensky'
His behavior during the twelve-day war with Israel only deepened the Iranians' disappointment.
The conflict erupted on June 13, 2025, when Israel launched a large-scale attack directly on Iranian territory, which was the first time in history.
Several Iranian cities have come under intense airstrikes, resulting in significant civilian casualties.
Pezeshkiyan failed to portray himself as a leader who can lead the nation through a crisis.
While cities were hit and senior military officers were killed, the president, like the Supreme Leader, remained largely silent.
There were no inflammatory speeches, no decisive presence, and no clear communication with the population under fire.
The contrast with the leaders who lead some other countries in wartime is striking.
“You are not Zelensky,” some Iranians remarked on social media, drawing comparisons to the Ukrainian president’s visible and defiant leadership during the Russian invasion of his country.
In a moment that required reassurance and determination, Pezeshkiyan seemed aloof - and, to many, irrelevant.
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Hijab, repression and divisions in society
The social situation in Iran is equally tense.
Protests "Woman, Life, Freedom", caused by the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini, which shook the country in 2022 have mostly subsided, but the demands and anger behind them have not.
Women still defying mandatory hijab laws, often putting themselves at risk.
Authorities are detaining activists, journalists, and students.
Pezeshkiyan called for "national reconciliation" and "mutual respect."
"I cannot implement the law on chastity and hijab because it creates problems for people and I will not oppose the people," said Pezeshkiyan.
But many Iranians, especially the young, see such words as symbolic at best and meaningless at worst.
The repressive mechanism of the system remains intact.
And without structural changes, milder rhetoric doesn't mean much.
A ticking time bomb
A year after Pezeshkian took office, little has changed for most Iranians.
Prices have soared, power shortages continue, and political freedoms remain frozen.
And the gap between the state and society has only deepened.
The president can talk about unity, but unity cannot just be proclaimed, especially when the real power lies far beyond his office.
Iran faces a time bomb: diplomatically, economically, and socially.
If its leadership cannot - or will not - change course, analysts say the next split may not come from the air or from sanctions, but from within.
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