Biographies

Wherever a man goes, his biography follows him as a recommendation or as a burden. But if that person enters politics, then his biography becomes either our joy or our burden. In order for one of them to be remembered as our dika, the first condition is that he shows himself to be an honorable man, and the criteria for measuring political and human honor is that his personal interest or the interest of persons connected to him should never be above state and national interests. and above the interests of citizens. How would Ante Marković, Franjo Tuđman, Slobodan Milošević, Milo Đukanović, Tomislav Nikolić and Aleksandar Vučić fare according to this criterion? Anta will certainly be remembered fondly by history.

Another criterion of a good biography is the formal and actual education of a politician. It is not good for the CV when real education lags behind formal education. Six-year students, plagiarists and those with a purchased degree are always in trouble. Đukanović and Nikolić (of the previously listed) certainly have a problem with this.

The third criterion for a good biography is that the politician has performed well in his primary profession before stepping into political waters. Ante was a respected engineer and a successful director of a large company, Franjo was known both as a general and as a historian, Slobodan was known as a successful banker, Tomislav was a successful construction site manager, while Milo and Aleksandar have nothing to write in their biographies, because they are young men. became politicians. Milo became ruler already in 29, and Alexander became the same a little later. By the way, in Montenegro, it is a well-established rule that in the political and state hierarchy, those who ruined at least a few state and social enterprises are ranked better.

The fourth criterion for a good biography is that the politician has a vision in the policy he advocates, and that he has the consistency of that policy. Ante fought to the end for the Yugoslav political idea he represented, Franjo and Slobodan (cheating others) adjusted their ideas to maintain their personal power, Toma and Aleksandar politically wandered like a fly without a head, while Milo was always consistent, but inconsistency . He changed political ideas and policies faster than some swaggering adulteress changes partners, all with the aim of preserving personal power, increasing money and fame, and strengthening the power of those connected to him. In political and human inconsistencies of politicians, citizens are always the biggest sufferers.

The fifth criterion for a good biography is that the politician possesses two fundamental European values, namely anti-fascism and respect for diversity. Tuđman was an early anti-fascist, in his second age he carried out the general fascisization of Croatia. Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović and Tomislav Karamarko are a typical political product of Tuđmanization, while the political victims of that process are already proven anti-fascists Ivo Josipović and Zoran Milanović. Milošević quite successfully pretended to be an anti-fascist, while his politics generated an already swollen Serbian nationalism. The systematic expulsion of anti-fascism from Serbia was continued by Koštunica and Tadić, otherwise typical politicians without a biography. They formalized the rehabilitation of the ideology of the Chetnik movement, otherwise one of the darkest fascist ideologies. Toma still does not renounce the title of Chetnik voivode, and the same dark ideology. Vučić grew up in that same incubator, but he knows that loud Europeanism (even if fake) can be politically profitable for him. Because of the rehabilitation of the Chetnik ideology, Vučić clumsily feigns personal discomfort. Đukanović is not interested in all that at all, because the most important thing for him is to preserve his personal power, money and "fame". The rehabilitation of the Chetnik movement has benefited few people as much as Milo Đukanović. The Chetniks in Montenegro are once again knights and gargas, mythomaniacally calling on their ancestors to hang a story from the hearth that can be sent into the cosmos, throated from the veins of the heels, accompanied by a fiddle. The hearth is their meeting place even today. True anti-fascists can do little because the government is constantly generating Montenegrin neo-fascism, as a counterbalance to the previous one. "Divide et impera" is the formula by which DPS, led by Đukanović, rules indisputably. Eh, how we all need an Ante!

A good CV opens the most difficult doors in the long run, while a bad CV closes the easiest ones in the long run. Statesmen always have a good biography, while rulers always have a bad one. The property of statesmen in the social GDP is negligible, while the property of rulers and persons connected with them makes up the bulk of that same GDP. What is the share of Milo Đukanović and his family, interest and party related persons in the GDP of Montenegro? It is not difficult to calculate that it is over 80%. The former annual growth of Montenegrin GDP constantly points to greater impoverishment for those 80% of poor people. From that it is easy to conclude whose country it is.

Six years ago, I publicly expressed the view that there would be no peace in the Balkans until Silvio Berlusconi, Ivo Sanader, Milo Đukanović, Hasim Thači, Nikola Gruevski and Tomislav Karamarko, whom few had heard of at the time, were removed from all state and political positions. I expected the processes to go faster, but, although slowed down, they are still going. Two have left so far, one will leave by the end of this year, and two more will leave by the end of 2016. The process is still going on. Croats will be in big trouble, but their luck is that they are in the EU, so the anti-fascists will still save Croatia. There is a period of big problems for Tomislav Karamarko.

The author is a retired air force general and geopolitical analyst

blagoje.grahovac@yahoo.com