The ancient writings of the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption confirmed the prophetic words of Miš Stanišić that Migo is an honorable and good man. A loyal party soldier without bad intentions and a local patriot who does not feel sorry for his homeland. A reliable associate who collects donations and does not bother anyone with reports and receipts. The dusty files of the Agency, from which the spell of secrecy was finally lifted, also bear witness to the times when businessmen were not cynics, and envelopes passed from hand to hand without fear of cameras. In those ancient times, only selfies were posted on Instagram, and Russian special forces and non-Ochetniks dreamed of coups in forests and suburban hotels. The secret seer from Cetinje communicated with the heavens, and Milan and Andrija wrote indictments to themselves according to pre-election conventions. Zeta calmly spent the tycoon's money and prepared loyal sons for state positions. Aware that there is no crisis for Montenegro as long as mayors and successful businessmen take care of it.
The political fairy tale in which the money goes into the pocket and the ballot into the box, was interrupted with the first strong blow of Instagram. Idle people started to have fun with the videos and look for Migo's head, while Milivoje was already making diagrams of organized criminal groups and removing suspicion from the president. Foreign media were buzzing about corruption, the state apparatus was waking up, and the Sreten Pravdeny Agency struck another forced blow for European partners. The first Montenegrin party was hit in the pocket, and the state coffers became richer by 47.500 euros.
And then, before the departure of the biggest Montenegrin blockbuster to the court archives, the Agency finally published the continuation of the story about love for the party, homeland and successful compatriots. When it was clear that the Zeta director in exile did not have a video of a sports bag or at least some kind of VIP party, the citizens were presented with the scenario of the continuation of "Envelopes". In it, the main actor, still nervous about speaking in front of his boss, takes the money to Golubovce and distributes it to his party comrades. While they are counting together the euros that will circulate to the headquarters in Zeta tomorrow, no one issues fiscal invoices or cares about taxes and financial statements. If on that historic night someone thought that it would be appropriate to at least tell the president about Duško's donation, Migo's look told him that it was not time for reports to higher authorities. The boss should not be touched while he is in the heat of the campaign, because that is the easiest time when he promises jobs, visits works and protects Montenegro from external and internal enemies. Migo knew that there was no need to overwhelm the state authorities with reports, which were busy seeking Russian donations from the accounts of the Front, marketing agencies and hostile media. Instead of the law, Migo's comrades respected the bequest of a generous donor to use his money to protect Zeta hosts accustomed to pre-election bribes from the opposition. Duško was once again helped by his hometown, the party implemented its set goals, and the activists spent money on fuel, food and soft drinks in mini headquarters. Migo fulfilled the wishes of his school friend and protected his homeland with euros. He handed out banknotes where he needed and refused to go to the boss and competent institutions for that. Precisely because of this desire not to disturb the authorities, the future pope will bear a mortal sin if he sends Migo to where Milan Knežević slept for three months. By refusing to activate the state apparatus for the sake of other people's money, Migo was only respecting the rules that his party fathers had determined long ago. He followed the trends spread across Montenegrin state institutions and business circles, in which money is distributed freely. Migo should not be blamed for not thinking about financial reports as much as Svetozar Beogradski when, without the consent of the authorities, he sold land in Budva and measured nautical miles in his yacht. Acting did not even think about alarming the higher authorities Ivica when the broadcast of the radio drama about the distribution of bribes by the prosecutor's office began, and even Vrhovna Medenica did not bother with the reports while she was selling meadows and orchards in her native Kolašin. Even Ivan of the Assembly didn't plan to blame the authorities when he paid back the debts from the revolving card and organized party rallies in Ramada. Even the lucky winners of government apartments and loans did not report to the authorities, just like the investors while they were moving riverbeds and cutting down entire parks. Miomir Silni did not care about the city assembly when he sold state land in Podgorica, just like Dušan from Bar when the cypresses were falling. Even President Milo did not inform anyone in the country while he was earning his first million, opening companies and receiving cash gifts from his heirs. Only Europe was nodding off while writing reports and threatening to halt negotiations, which Montenegrin leaders have not been nodding off for a long time.
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