About fifteen years ago, at the door of the office of the president of the then Serbian People's Party (SNS), Andrije Mandić, he entered in a huff, as far as I remember the story, Novak Radulović or Budimir Aleksic.
"Andrija, what do these criminals in the party want us to do?", he asked, looking back at the group of young men who were leaving the party premises.
“What do you think, how Milo wins elections, with intellectuals or with criminals?", answered Mandić with a rhetorical question.
In the meantime, the leader of the DF and Nova adopted some more rules of the local thirty-year-old politics. Like the fact that elections are won thanks to black funds. Be it dinars, rubles or dollars.
With the seemingly generally accepted freakish principles of politics in Montenegro set by the DPS, we have come to the point where the political scene looks like a closed sanatorium.
A very dangerous sanatorium.
Andrija Mandić seems to see that a change of government in Montenegro can only happen in two ways. A peaceful transition or a coup for which the chances grow exponentially as frustrations with the governance model and the economic-social situation grow.
There is no room for DF in the first story, as long as it is DPS and will.
That is why DF acts as if it will never be in power, as a professional opposition, an ideal sparring partner for such a government, interested only in that part of opposition voters who publicly or secretly identify Montenegro with Đukanović's rule and its duration.
In the run-up to the parliamentary elections, Mandić is transparently grasping to be the duke of someone else's army.
The Duke of all believers of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro, a supporter of the Democrats and dwarf pro-Serbian and pro-Russian parties. That is why Mandić is calling for gatherings and processions in Nikšić from the floor of the parliament, even though the Prime Minister pointed the finger at the SPC in Montenegro due to the organization of the forbidden gathering. Dusko Markovic, and regime media and Aleksandar Vučić concerned about “the SPC and part of our people”.
The first ones do it because, according to the tried and tested recipe, they want to equate the litia with the chauvinistic rhetoric of Mandić.
The only dilemma is whether it is Joannikius was forced to violate the laws of the land because of this call by Mandić and the gathering of a large number of party activists, or did he agree to the role of martyr, assigned to him by the Prosecutor's Office, in order to parry Amphilochia. And if the latter, is it in agreement with Mandić and Vučić, for whom the Metropolitan of the SPC in Montenegro is a big stone in his shoe that he cannot remove.
Amfilohije is putting up with Mandić for now because he knows that this man always has a small cavalry ready to go out into the street, just as he knows that now a few of his words addressed to the flock can very quickly turn Mandić into Vuk Branković.
Amphilochie in the background is guarding Aleks Bečić and Democrats.
But like Srđa Milić he never understood that in Serbia he could not compete with Mandić, so Bečić could never understand that he could not match Mandić with radicalism. Every time, when Mandić pulls out his bow or Vulinov sword and calls on "comrades from the 90s" or the Montenegrin government to "prepare the uniforms", Bečić loses some percentage of support.
The rest are of little importance. Their interest is reduced to a place on the electoral list of Mandić or Bečić.
The success of that society in meeting the elections is that they put the church and religion at the center of political and overall life in Montenegro in the XNUMXst century, with insufficient critical acceptance of that position by some of the media and the civil sector.
Meša Selimović compared the persistent intention of winning power, despite everything that it brings in the Balkans, to the flying of a moth to the flame of a candle.
Mandić can give the impression of a night stick, but he wonders about most of his moves like a firefly with a butt. The increasingly strong impression is that it is managed by Aleksandar Vučić.
Mandić, however, seems to have missed one postulate on which the immature Montenegrin political scene rests. In the end, in Montenegro, the one who presented himself as preferring Cetinje guvno to Belgrade kanabe was always politically stronger.
Amfilohije is now placed in this way in relation to Mandić.
And it is unlikely that Mandić and Vučić will create for him when, how and with what goal the litany will be continued.
Bonus video:
