Ever since he terminated his service with Milošević under the persuasion or by order of his American friends, Đukanović has been trying for years to install a government in Serbia that he will completely control. Only with Nikolić and Vučić in 2012 did he succeed. The saga surrounding the alleged coup d'état in Montenegro in 2016 most vividly described the nature and essence of that connection and relationship.
You remember: while Milo went to the polls carelessly on October 16, not knowing what kind of hellish plan was in store for him, Vučić's BIA and Đukanović's ANB worked hard to locate the terrorist group that was planning to, as Special Katnić said, sow unprecedented bloodshed in Montenegro. All the evidence and witnesses that the High Court respected as much as possible, from the famous weapon, never shown, in Lake Gazivode, in the territory controlled by Vučić himself, through Paja and Sinđa, to slingshots and other firearms ready for the coup, all of that on the plate Vučić delivered to Đukanović.
It was a touching story about the love of two hybrid autocrats, where one could easily conclude that Đukanović is the head of the parade and Vučić is his puppet, ready to drastically change his statement in 24 hours, even from the initial claims that all that laughter, that they were arrested башибозук and not terrorists or that it is better not to pull his tongue, the very next day announced a dramatically new version about the preparation of the assassination of Prime Minister Đukanović himself.
Then the court case lasted for three years, and the president of Serbia and the self-proclaimed protector of all the Serbs of the world did not say a word while his terrible propaganda accepted Katnić's indictment, according to which the accused are not scumbags but terrorists! With Sinđa and Branka Milić at the helm.
And so until the epilogue of the so-called process of the century - information about 70 years of imprisonment for the accused, most of whom are citizens of Serbia, along with "high fives" for Mandić and Knežević, Vučić's propaganda Bastille, RTS, published in the block of service information in the 26th minute of the main Dnevnik.
We are half composed of indifference and half of malice, says Saramago. Which confirms the case of the Serbian president in this specific case. In order to cancel or cover up everything that he submitted to Chief Đukanović for this trial, Vučić sent a government plane for Mandić the day after the verdict, in which this overjoyed man boarded and flew to Niš for some Serbian army exercise, so that the same Vučić, Đukanović marionette at that moment, saw the wounds! But that's not all. The pinnacle of the hypocrisy and corruption of the President of Serbia was Vulin's decision, a few months later, to award some kind of saber to Mandić for his colossal contribution to the Seventh Battalion. It turned out: Katnić a slingshot, and Mandić a saber.
For a long time, Vučić was Milo's debtor and puppet. It was very painful and frustrating for his psychological profile. But he heroically endured and carried that role. Milo brought him to rule in Serbia and it had to be paid heavily. For this purpose, Vučić carried out numerous projects, not only the coup d'état. First, he expressly removed all indictments against Đukanović's closest comrade, Canet Subotic, and made him not only a free citizen but also very influential, especially in Serbian intelligence and business circles. Then he did everything to nullify the indictment against another of Milo's strategic partners, Darko Šarić, preparing his release and removing the anathema of the king of cocaine. He then introduced Đukanović's friends from the Emirates and money from their banks into the business through the Belgrade on Water project. In addition, as I said before, he delivered everything needed for a coup d'état. And above all, he put his disgusting propaganda from Pink to Informer at the disposal of Đukanović throughout the entire period. In the end, even on the occasion of the Law on Freedom of Religion, he made love to Milo in Tirana and said that it was an internal issue of Montenegro. Not only on the political but also on the private level, Vučić gave himself unreservedly to Milo for a long period of time, through the contacts and friendships of their brothers, business partners and close associates. Andrej and Aco have become the guarantor of their relationship, and Jorgovanka Tabaković and Ana Đukanović are proof that money works where a drill will not.
And then the torrents turned everything around. Tens of thousands of people on the streets of Montenegrin cities were a signal for Vučić that the moment had come to remove Đukanović's yoke from his neck and to become the master of the situation from his puppet. For this purpose, he welcomed the wounded and executed DF leaders. As much as Milo kept Vučić in a vassal relationship, Vučić himself did not treat Mandić and Knežević any differently. Until he soon reduced them to the level of a certain Goran Rakić from North Mitrovica. At the same time, a propaganda machine was built, so all Vučić's tabloids, which for years only had words of praise for our Leader, started writing overnight that Milo was finished. Vučić, of course, did not rush to such conclusions, still showing respect for Đukanović and venting his anger on his closest associates. For example, he publicly humiliated Prime Minister Marković on several occasions, even calling him a liar. Đukanović remained silent on everything, continuing to believe that he was the master of Vučić's servant. Even the aggressive questions of his journalist Tamara on that topic a few months ago did not bear fruit - Milo remained Vučić's sponsor and protector. In his megalomania, the president of Serbia understood this as a sign of weakness, so he continued to undermine Đukanović, hoping that when that moment comes, he will be the main dasa.
And so we met August 30 and the defeat of Đukanović. This time, Vučić did not call Milo, as in some earlier elections, to save him with warnings that the opposition is leading and that, if he does not do something urgently under cover of darkness, by the end of election day, he will lose power. This was another sign that Vučić's term of service with Đukanović has expired and that he does not feel any obligation to help save his former boss and sponsor. However, on August 30, Milo did lose, but so did Vučić. After all, he himself admitted the other day: instead of the new government coming to him in Belgrade and submitting a report, like Dodik, for example, they chose, as he complained, to visit another center first.
What Vučić overlooked in the entire construction were the citizens of Montenegro. Especially those who declare themselves as Serbs or as Montenegrins with a Serbian surname, and who in the past decade and a half of persecution and segregation realized that democracy, justice and a society of equal opportunities for all are much more important than the flag and anthem. Vučić overplayed his hand because he drew a sign of equality between his puppets Mandić, Milačić, Knežević, Medojević on the one hand and the citizens themselves, their voters, on the other. The President of Serbia made a serious oversight, not realizing that opposition voters in Montenegro, including a huge number of those from the DF corps, think the same about Vučić as they do about Đukanović. That she is insatiable, a corrupt autocrat who made Serbia a private state. Milo's copy, then.
Vučić's pretentious imposition as the protector of Serbs in Montenegro was essentially an illegal and illegitimate interference in the internal affairs of the neighboring country. When the current government and its mercenaries from the region and from the local area whine about it, then it sounds tragicomic and unconvincing because all of them for ten years in various ways built "never better relations between Serbia and Montenegro" - as long as Vučić accepted the role of Milo's puppet. However, this does not make the position of the president of Serbia any easier, and if he does not stop playing the self-proclaimed leader of the Serbs from Montenegro, new and of course unfair criticism and pressure from the European Union could soon follow. Montenegro is neither Republika Srpska nor North Mitrovica, so the sooner the President of Serbia realizes this and stops playing dangerous games, the better it will be for him and for the region.
Such a situation could be well used by the democratic opposition in Serbia, which should be a partner of the Montenegrin government in building the democratic states of Serbia on the one hand and Montenegro on the other, as well as the best relations between the two neighbors. Then Vučić's brother Andrej could make the cover of his tabloid Alo with the following message: Milo was better. Instead of asking how to do it Amfilohi's prime minister renounced Kosovo. Unlike Andrej's brother who is about to confess him!
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