Three brothers lived in harmony and love, until the moment came to divide the property.
The oldest brother, who also had the largest family, claimed that about 65 percent of the property belonged to him, the middle one was satisfied with about 25 percent, while the youngest was becoming aware that the older brothers had allocated only ten percent of the property to him.
They also differed in terms of property maintenance. The oldest wanted to cultivate the estate with traditional tools, instead of modern plantings and quality fertilizers, he believed in praying for a good harvest, the youngest planned green oases and plantations of rare fruits, and the middle one peacefully asked - do we have the people and money for it.
During this time, the former owner of the property went into the woods, agreeing to a fraternal quarrel and counting on buying the property again at a low price.
The current moment on the political scene of Montenegro is exactly reminiscent of one of the many stories about the division of property between brothers.
The DF, the Democrats and the URA will certainly divide the property - they will form the Government - but the initial negotiations justify doubts that it will be stable and will function in the long term.
Second, although the unwritten rule dictates that quality is more important than speed, the time it takes to form a new government is an important factor here. Serious foreign policy activities begin in autumn: from the presentation of the European Commission's report in Brussels at the beginning of October, the annual meetings with the IMF and the World Bank in the middle of that same month, the meeting of the Western Balkan six at the level of leaders in Sofia at the beginning of November...
Any delay in the formation of the government means an opportunity for the outgoing government to influence the incoming one in international forums, or make arrangements that would be additional skeletons in the closet of the new government, as if there weren't enough of them already.
The lobbying activities of the outgoing government should also be noted, such as the publication of the latest articles in Foreign Policy or National Review about the pro-Russian government in Montenegro and the alleged confusion in the EU.
Messages from the close circle of Zdravko Krivokapić that the future Prime Minister of Montenegro will not shake hands with former members of the KLA or people who are seriously suspected of having participated in war crimes, while in the neighbor's yard Vučić and his entourage do not have that problem, will certainly not speed up the congratulations of the world either. nor regional leaders, which is exactly what Krivokapić is publicly crying out for. It will not even contribute to cooperation within the new government.
DF - specifically the leaders of Nova, DNP, PzP and Marko Milačić and their parties, primarily due to the mortgage of relations with Russia, can hardly count on some departments in the new government - defense, justice and security institutions, such as ANB, and every demand of the coalition "For the future of Montenegro" for those departments in the negotiations with the URA and the Democrats means consciously putting the cogs in the wheels of the new government.
The next two issues that burden the troika are the URA's pre-election promise of an expert government and the extension of power to minority parties and the SDP.
The Democrats simply asked the URA to define experts - whether they were people who were on stage during pre-election rallies of certain parties, or who publicly supported a political structure, and whether there is a difference between such experts and individuals from the electoral list.
The expansion of the new government to the minority parties and the SDP is beneficial from the perspective of the international position, a two-thirds/three-thirds majority for changes in the judiciary and reconciliation in Montenegro, but the question is how realistic it is and how much damage it would do to the URA, because its 4 mandates on the scale would become less valuable in the event that the national parties of Albanians, Bosniaks and SDP enter the new government.
At the beginning of the negotiations, there were many unanswered questions - Krivokapić, Aleksa Bečić and Dritan Abazović must clear them up without delay if they still want to dethrone the DPS.
Milo Đukanović said he was ready to go to the forest to defend Montenegro, but only two weeks after the defeat, he congratulated the winners for the first time and sent messages that the DPS would be a constructive opposition to the new government.
It is an excellent ideological thread for future action. And the return to power.
But the former owner of the estate forgot that he ended up in the forest because of his own and those around him, and not only because of popish agitations. In order to be able to come out of the forest, purification is necessary. And the longer he stays in the forest, the more will be those who will hang out with the brothers who share the property.
Things on the political scene of Montenegro cannot be viewed in isolation in relation to the region - to the recently signed agreement between Serbia and Kosovo in Washington and to the speculations about the change of Dayton. The big ones will not tolerate looting by local players.
The regional context and the elections on August 30 have shaken the political scene of Montenegro to such an extent that some of the numerous leaders of the troika parties could quickly go to the forest, if they do not immediately take advantage of the opportunity to form a government and dethrone the DPS.
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