COMMENT OF THE WEEK

Legacy

Some also estimate that Amfilohije became the secular ruler of Montenegro after the parliamentary elections on August 30, 2020, when he significantly influenced the defeat of his ruling peer - Đukanović, and later gathered and calmed the heated leaders under Ostrog with the aim of agreeing on the formation of the government

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Party leaders supported the representative on the day of Amfilohi's death (from the meeting), Photo: Luka Zeković
Party leaders supported the representative on the day of Amfilohi's death (from the meeting), Photo: Luka Zeković
Disclaimer: The translations are mostly done through AI translator and might not be 100% accurate.

For a long time, the death of an authority will not produce so many political and social implications, as it will be in the case of the metropolitan of the Metropolitanate of Montenegrin Littoral, Amfilohi.

Zoran Đinđić is the last person from the Balkans whose death greatly shaped Serbia and the neighboring countries, and at whose funeral Amfilohije said that "he who fights with the sword will die by the sword."

The shooting of Djindic was a shot at democracy.

The death of 82-year-old Amfilohi, caused by the consequences of the coronavirus, is what the public will draw conclusions about in the coming months, years or decades.

After all, the words and deeds of Amphilochius during the last 30 years were like that - they left deep consequences on political, social and church life.

He did this mostly with curses, such as those after Montenegro recognized Kosovo or for defending the illegally built church on Rumija or the baptistery on the Miholjska pass. He claimed that those "harsh words" only serve to "awaken people's conscience".

In terms of his influence on political, social and church life, the Metropolitan of the SPC in Montenegro was a worthy successor to the throne of Petrović, who were formally the spiritual and secular rulers of Montenegro.

Some also assess that Amfilohije became the secular ruler of Montenegro after the parliamentary elections on August 30, 2020, when he significantly influenced the defeat of his ruling peer - Đukanović, and later gathered and calmed the heated leaders under Ostrog with the aim of agreeing on the formation of the government . Or, as one DF official said - Amfilohije brought Đukanović to power in 1997, now he has overthrown him.

However, Belgrade's decision on whom it will enthrone in Cetinje, probably at the Parliament in the spring, will undoubtedly have its implications on the political trends in Montenegro.

The secret of the popularity and influence of Amfilohi and the SPC in Montenegro lies in the active and rhetorical juggling with the former authorities in Podgorica - from the declaration that Montenegrins are "communist bastards", to the passive attitude at the referendum, which contributed to the restoration of independence.

Of course, with a combination of other factors, such as the piety or superstition of the inhabitants of Montenegro, the huge assets that the SPC has at its disposal, the growing infrastructure under its leadership...

This, as some see, dualism towards Montenegro and the clear departure from the power of Aleksandar Vučić, precisely influenced parts of the Montenegrin public to believe that Amfilohije can turn to Montenegro.

The peaceful protests against the passage of the Freedom of Religion Act, and some of its aftermath, were a piece of that puzzle.

The natural intention of Belgrade, Irinej and primarily Vučić, to bring a henchman to the Cetinje throne, someone not so educated and clever in verbal and practical expression, but also not so influential, could mean the resurrection of the politics personified by Đukanović.

And cause the dissatisfaction of some church dignitaries and clergy in Montenegro who put Montenegro before Serbia.

With the death of Amfilohi and the political power that the DF has, the door of influence in Montenegro is now open to Vučić. Not exactly like Milošević, against whom Amfilohije protested in 1996 at the student demonstrations in Belgrade, but whom he later visited in The Hague.

For the future of the current Serbian president, it is much more important that now there is no one left who has the real strength and influence to call him out on the fact that he will "betray Kosovo and Metohija, if they only give them something".

Whether Vučić was given something and how much during the reception at the White House and the signing of the Washington Agreement, we will see in the coming months, but many things indicate that the USA is returning to the Balkans, suppressing primarily China, and Russia, which will also be interested in the Cetinje throne.

Although Amfilochius cursed - "whoever was not faithful to a monolingual, one-blooded Russia, may the living flesh fall from him, be cursed three times and 3.000 times by me", some claim that all the doors of the Kremlin were closed to him after 2016.

Then, as a representative of the Serbian Orthodox Church, he participated in the council in Crete, where he allegedly sided with the Ecumenical Patriarchate in the dispute with Moscow.

On the day when it was announced that the Metropolitan of the SPC in Montenegro had passed away, the leaders of the parties of the new government announced that they supported the proposal of Mandate Zdravko Krivokapić on an expert government.

Hardly anyone would have dared to oppose Krivokapić, who was supported by Amfiohije and SPC in Montenegro, but the first messages sent by Nebojša Medojević and Andrija Mandić about the expert government that will last for 200 days until the end of the year indicate what the attitude of the DF will be towards the new the prime minister.

When Emmanuel Macron won the presidential elections in France in 2016, the headlines in some European media were - a president without a party.

Macron's Republic on the Move party, founded immediately after the election, meanwhile gathered around 500 influential civil activists and just two months later, in the parliamentary elections, it changed the political landscape of the Republic, divided for decades between socialists, republicans and right-wingers.

Now it could be said about Krivokapić that he is a prime minister without a party.

Depending on the mandate's next steps - whether the ministers - experts will be a team from the church circles he is surrounded by, or whether that circle will be much wider, that he will remember to establish a ministry for IT technologies instead of a ministry of religion, will depend not only on him, but also the future of the political scene of Montenegro.

If he imposes meritocracy instead of partitocracy and the rule of law instead of kleptocracy, civil instead of clerical expression, Krivokapić has a bright future, with the already existing support of part of the media, the business elite, civil society and the favor of the West in relation to what they see in DF.

The creation of Krivokapić as someone who could change the political landscape of Montenegro with two cemented poles since 1997, could be one of the rarer positive legacies by which Amfilohije will be remembered.

Otherwise, the victory of the Montenegrin opposition will turn into a conflict within the Serbian house, whereby Montenegro will remain divided.

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(Opinions and views published in the "Columns" section are not necessarily the views of the "Vijesti" editorial office.)