If he had been truly visionary fifteen years ago, everything could have ended differently. Both for him and for Montenegro. If he left after May 21, 2006, Montenegro would be a member of the European Union today, without the assessments of the Brussels administration and the European media about the private state, the captive judiciary, endemic corruption, the fraternity of politicians and mobsters, Spuž would be full of big fish, and the media scene liberated parrot and ignoramus.
If Milo had listened to a few "shameful" us back in 2007, when we explained to him why he was not worthy of the regional peace award and why it was the right moment for him to leave and maybe secure a decent place for himself in Montenegrin history, his character and work would not be defending obscure phenomena today. like some Mijač and the journalist Tamara, portraying Vođa, a man of the West for many decades, as a rejected and spent dictator who was let down by the same West.
If Milo had packed his bags in 2006, Montenegro would have been reconciled today and not divided, because the motto of Đukanović's rule was essentially one of occupation - divide and rule. If the leaders of the DF are puppets, their voters are not, if Mandic and company see Montenegro as the 27th electoral unit of Serbia, the citizens who voted for the DF for completely different reasons, primarily because of the government's policy, are not in those positions. Most of them were treated as suspicious and anti-state elements by Đukanović himself and his unprecedented propaganda for a decade and a half. They were therefore second-class citizens, unworthy of civil service or an agricultural loan. Along with corruption, it is the darkest side of Milo's rule.
If Milo had withdrawn immediately after the referendum, long before the support for the bankrupt First Bank, or Pobjeda, before the 250 million given to Deripaska and the tycoons, before Tinmanka and Blaž's businesses, before all the bombs, shootings and murders, before fascism and the lynching of dissidents, before the pohara public money by budget propagandists and intellectuals, above all living truths for whom dialogue in this society was made impossible by turning it, as Balša wrote, into a minefield and a war zone - today we would not look at each other through the crosshairs, we would fear even less for the future of the secular state , and targeting the American ambassador as an enemy would remain the privilege and pride of Milan Knežević and Andrija Mandić. Instead of understanding why he lost and how he fell irrevocably, Milo invites us to a new recruitment, under the banner of the alleged defense of the state. We wouldn't be there, as I said, if the defense of his hybrid autocracy is a measure of true patriotism and loyalty to Montenegro.
If Milo had even wanted to listen to Ranko, who, although polite, explained that Montenegro is more dangerously occupied from the inside than from the outside, he would not have lived to read similar assessments in last week's announcement by American friends and partners who say that "the biggest threat to democracy is the corruption of those who are chosen to rule”. With the conclusion that "no external threat can be compared to the danger of corruption from within". Corruption and robbery carried out by DPS and its satellites, for their personal and party interest, led Montenegro into debt slavery. That is why Montenegro is on its knees - in order to stand up, Đukanović's system of government and power must be dismantled.
If Milo had been different, if he had strived for enlightenment and not autocracy, he would have tried to properly change the habits and customs of the population inherited from the past instead of building his absolutism and rule of terror on them. He arrogantly said that the Montenegrins did not deserve better instead of doing everything to make the country an example even with an imperfect regiment. The government is a mirror of the people, but an honest and truly visionary government creates the best community even with the worst people. This is the difference between irresponsible and responsible political elites. It is too late and Djukanovic is too tired to turn the wheel to this positive side. It turns out that the only thing left for him to do is try to minimize the damage. As he said the other day: it's not a problem to fall, it's a problem to get up.
Goodbye, Milo.
You haven't been smarter and better in a long time than you were from August 30th until the other day. Now I realize that it was a ruse and that you seemed wise because you remained silent. As soon as you spoke it was clear that there was no hope for you. Again, as Draginja would say, you farted so that it wasn't even necessary to listen to what you were saying, it was enough to read your body language. It is a tragedy for you and for Montenegro if there is no other choice but you and your DPS. We weren't there. If we are hostages of your power and autocracy. But nothing strange and nothing new. There has been a big misunderstanding between us for at least a decade and a half. Some advocated the state for democracy and the emancipation of citizens, and HE for the first million, the First Bank and his family. When some said that it makes sense linguistically to call the same language Serbo-Croatian by its Montenegrin name, HE mocked that too with new letters and language institutes in order to prove the uniqueness of Montenegrin and its difference from Serbian. Except that Džigijeva Vukovićka and Radmilin Đaga did not ask for subtitles on Truckers and Dolly Bel. Many of us suggested that the position and roles of the Church, which has been here for a thousand years, both before and after Saint Sava, should be resolved in a dialogue with the SPC and with Belgrade, and above all with the Metropolis and Amfiloch, so that HE would decide to resolve everything at the Party Congress. . What a Bible, Jesus of Nazareth, Constantinople, against his General Board. And while we have been writing for years about the necessity of reconciliation of the majority people, brothers and neighbors, HE, together with his partner from Belgrade and his puppets in Montenegro, built a policy of two minorities, Montenegrin and Serbian, and between them a big wall that often runs through the middle of the houses of many of our families .
But what more to talk and write to him. The train passed. It's a pity, and everything could have turned out differently. And for Montenegro, but also for Milo.
Bonus video:
