More than a month has passed since the Prime Minister of Montenegro, Zdravko Krivokapić, invited the Prime Minister of Serbia, Ana Brnabić, to visit Podgorica. As per the unwritten rule, the one to whom the invitation was addressed did not, as Montenegrins would say, vote, but that is why there is someone who is incompetent in that matter, at least when it comes to diplomatic manners and constitutional powers. You guessed it - Aleksandar Vučić.
It was necessary for journalists in Serbia, the few free ones left in this branch of ours, to raise the question more loudly as to why the Prime Minister of Serbia did not respond to the invitation of her Montenegrin colleague, so that the President of Serbia would speak up. Although the invitation was not addressed to him, because the prime minister invites the prime minister, not the president, Vučić told the Serbian and Montenegrin public that it is inconvenient for Ana Brnabić to go to Podgorica because there is no one there to meet her...
The President of Serbia was primarily referring to the situation related to the expulsion of the Serbian Ambassador to Podgorica, Vladimir Božović. On November 28, he was declared "persona non grata" because of his comments about the Podgorica Assembly in 1918. According to the announcement of the Montenegrin Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Božović "called the illegal and illegitimate Podgorica Assembly in 1918 the 'liberation' and 'free will' of the Montenegrin people, thus once again, in the most direct way, belittling the country that gave him diplomatic hospitality". It was the last decision of the outgoing government of Duško Marković. Belgrade retaliated with the same measure and "expelled" the Montenegrin ambassador to Serbia, Tarzan Milošević, but he soon retracted that decision, which he now regrets to his colleagues in Podgorica that they have not yet done.
Disappointment on the face of the President of Serbia
While Podgorica refers to the Vienna Convention, Belgrade responds, namely Vučić - "how could we?" Without entering into a more serious analysis of the fact that Belgrade made a decision, then retracted it, perhaps Montenegro is a slightly more serious country than Serbia when it comes to some things and its decisions do not depend on the will of one man and whether he got up that morning left or right leg.
The complete story of Serbia's relationship with Montenegro is very complicated and undefined. There is no doubt that Vučić's entourage rejoiced over the opposition's victory over Milo Đukanović, perhaps even more than the citizens of Montenegro who voted for such an outcome. If the tabloids and national televisions are the mirror of President Vučić's soul, then that joy was obvious and almost unpleasant. That group of people with whom Vučić is surrounded believe that politics is acting on the basis of the postulate that "what grandma likes, that's what she dreamed of". Perhaps this is the moment to emphasize once again that Montenegro is, nevertheless, a slightly more serious country than Serbia and that it adheres to international agreements and contracts. Whoever expects that Montenegro will "recognize" Kosovo, change its flag to Serbian and join Serbia, is as unrealistic as Vučić thought he was a great statesman.
One of the first decisions of the new Government was precisely the great desire of the citizens of Montenegro, which was expressed by the litia, which were a protest against the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion, namely the adoption of amendments to that legal solution. Whoever, whatever they think about those litias, they managed to resolve the dissatisfaction of a part of the citizens of Montenegro in peace and in the spirit of the legal system of Montenegro. But, unfortunately for Belgrade, that was the end of the expectations from Belgrade. The biggest blow that Belgrade has suffered is that there are no political representatives of the Serbian people in Krivokapić's government, as Vučić likes to say. And it is precisely in this fact that the greatest disappointment can be seen on Vučić's face.
And Vučić is probably the biggest loser of the changes that happened in Montenegro. Every problem he had before on the Belgrade-Podgorica route, he knew who he could solve it with. The one with whom he solved problems, and perhaps participated in some affairs together with him, is no longer the "main story" in Podgorica. There is definitely no influence on the new Government, even though everyone expected it, and the impression is, at least for us in Belgrade, that this was made clear to him.
They are destroying Vučić's dreams with normal politics
Vučić is also a loser because, although he can bring down Krivokapić's cabinet with his influence, he knows that it would not be in his interest. It is certain that, with the help of the aforementioned political representatives of the Serbian people, in a situation where the ratio in the Montenegrin parliament is 41:40, he could do that, but only in a situation where it would mean the formation of a new government, in which there would be room for Andrija Mandić and the rest of his team. That will hardly happen, because the political structures and citizens of Montenegro do not need, nor do they want, someone like Milorad Dodik on their throne. If the fall of the Montenegrin government led to new elections, for many politicians, including those from the body of political representatives of the Serbian people, there would hardly be a place on the political stage. The process that has engulfed Montenegro is like a typhoon and it will destroy everything in front of it.
Vučić does not want to show weakness, because artificially inflated muscles are all he has at his disposal and with the help of which he has ruled for nine years. If the Prime Minister of Serbia went on an official visit to Montenegro, Vučić might understand that as his expression of weakness. He would most like Krivokapić to visit Belgrade and apologize to him for what he said about the business relations of the presidents of Serbia and Montenegro. Since Krivokapić, rightly, does not think of apologizing for something that is obvious, Brnabić will certainly not invite his Montenegrin colleague to visit Belgrade in the foreseeable future.
The President of Serbia is convinced of his dominance in the region. He deeply believes that what he convinced his subjects in Serbia to be in his country is in the region. It is inconvenient when, with normal behavior and normal politics, the way the new authorities in Montenegro do it, someone destroys his dream. The new authorities in Podgorica, without perhaps realizing it, are doing just that.
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