It's Thursday, I'm finishing the third version of the column and I just hope to God that I won't write another one after the afternoon vote in the Assembly of Montenegro.
How much yesterday I was convinced that Montenegro, at least this week, could not experience a greater humiliation than the act of pissing on the monument to Ljub Ćupić.
Bad word? It is, but unfortunately accurate, and that's why it doesn't occur to me to look for a more decent one.
For what the deputies of the ZBCG coalition, primarily from the Democratic Front, although the others were not far behind, did to Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić - I have no words that I can write in a decent newspaper.
All that remains is for me to repeat his: so many lies are heard here. Too decent for the parliament it's in present immorality and political hypocrisy. Which three deputies confirmed just five minutes later, accusing the prime minister of saying that immorality and hypocrisy reign in parliament.
It was hypocritical and immoral to support his wrong actions for months, above all those that arose from private devotion to the church and public violation of the secularity of the state. And then to literally live on him because of two decisions with which he defended the reputation of the country - the dismissal of a minister who does not respect the international obligations of Montenegro and the failure to sign a fundamental contract in which the Constitution of Montenegro is not respected.
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I'm neither a thief nor a traitor, I don't allow you to insult me - they should have cut behind that payphone! Just as loudly as the best of all Montenegrin prime ministers - Vuko Vukadinović - did three decades ago. And that in a less safe place, in the face of a riotous crowd of defenders of "endangered Serbia" in front of the Assembly.
He did not do it, but not only because he is not Vuko Vukadinović. But because he still thinks that primitivism can be eradicated with the pedagogical methods he used at the University.
Unfortunately, wrong. Just as it was wrong to give in to blackmail in the first days of the Prime Minister's term.
It's taking too long he hears so many lies here, too much immorality and political hypocrisy ordered for thirty years, that any method other than those from the Criminal Code would be effective.
In order not to return to the opposition practice of the majority of today's government, what has been shown since August 30 is enough. Trade culture, that's how Prime Minister Krivokapić euphemistically defined it.
Blackmail, pranks, insolence, duplicity... that's what I would call it if I were in his place... And I wouldn't be silent for ten months, making compromises that turned out to be not only rotten but also very dangerous for Montenegro.
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The entire Montenegrin society is already suffering the consequences of these perverse compromises, Nikšić is only the most striking example.
- This kind of act is bad because it happened in the very center of the city and in a public place first of all, and only after one of the monuments served as a cover for the person who did this - the way in which the mayor Marko Kovačević commented on the scandal was scandalous in front of the Ljub Ćupić monument.
A politician for whom the violation of public decency in the city center is more important than pissing on the Montenegrin and European symbol of anti-fascism does not deserve to be a member of the local parliament, let alone the president of the largest municipality in Montenegro.
Even those who are prosecuting the perpetrator of the scandal for the "criminal offense of damaging the grave" should not continue their work in the police and prosecutor's office. It is not realistic that only they do not know what all of Montenegro knows - that Ljubo Ćupić was not buried in Nikšić square.
I'm not a lawyer, but I can read. That's why it sounds more realistic to me that Article 411 and the violation of the grave were withdrawn only because the perpetrator receives a light punishment - from a fine to a year in prison.
Article 370 provides for drastically stricter penalties for "desecration of monuments and memorials", and this is what happened and what we all - without any investigation - saw on video.
Now those criminals who don't give holy things unless they are anti-fascist can judge me on the portals to their heart's content. The fact that I am a layman does not exclude the right to ask for a sentence drastically stricter than six months in prison or - God forbid - only monetary.
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I know, it will turn out that my models of justice were Andrej Višinski or Milivoje Katnić, but I am not alive to not once again refer to Article 370. And for the same reason that I participated in all the protests for the past thirty years - including those organized by the fiercest opponents - that deputies may not answer for words spoken in parliament.
Unfortunately, after these three months of living not only over the victims of the genocide in Srebrenica, but also over all the survivors of sane people in the territory of the former SFRY, I can't think of any pedagogical measure except paragraph two of Article 370 of the Criminal Code.
- The punishment from paragraph 1 of this article (from six months to five years) shall also be imposed on anyone who publicly approves, denies the existence or significantly reduces the seriousness of the criminal acts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes (...) if these criminal acts are established by a final by a judgment of a court in Montenegro or of the international criminal court.
Public approval of the genocide in Srebrenica has really not been heard in Montenegro (yet). But his "denial, with a significant reduction in the gravity" of that crime, was not heard, but echoed up to - the United Nations.
It is clear that the deputies who spoke in their own name are protected by immunity. However, it is not clear who will protect the voters of genocide deniers who are heavily accused by their deputies. Repeating for months that everyone who voted for the Democratic Front is behind that denial.
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We will find out who is behind Minister Vladimir Leposavic only when the gourd between the Montenegrin authorities and the Serbian Church breaks. And when the full truth about the Belgrade wait for the prime minister, known as the foundation contract, was announced by both parties and the persons connected with them.
Unlike that, Podgorica's defeat in the parliament was expected. It has been known for weeks what the coalition will say and do regarding the procedure for the dismissal of Minister Leposavic.
On the agenda, although many MPs acted as if they didn't know it, was the request of Prime Minister Krivokapić and not the opposition depees. The minister knows it, he redacted himself for nothing, he once again confirmed that he is unworthy of office.
He confirmed, finally, something much more important. That the goal - neither his nor those who stand behind him - is to stay in the Government. Rather than overthrowing the Government, which he burdened more than all the ministers of foreign affairs put together.
Or, even worse, her permanent maintenance in a semi-prone position from which she cannot reach for any important decision...
Not even Serge Brammertz can save the minister from that truth, but that's not my concern.
What he and the majority of representatives of the government said this Wednesday in the Parliament does not have to worry us all, but will entertain all of Montenegro in the next ten years.
At some point, Montenegro will have to solve it on its own. Because it is no longer about Srebrenica but about her.
P.S. What its highest legislative body decided to do - I did not manage to find out until 20.25:XNUMX p.m. See the results of the vote on the resolution and the minister on the portal.
Bonus video:
