It was New Year 2008 and little Slovenia took over the rotating six-month presidency of the European Union (EU) for the first time.
Brussels was in a celebratory mood as history was being made. It was the first time that one of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which joined the Union less than four years earlier, was in charge of the EU Council - the bloc's most powerful institution.
More than anything, it was deemed appropriate that modern, forward-looking Slovenia, the first of the new EU member states that once belonged to the Eastern bloc, should have the honor.
Gaining independence just 17 years earlier in a brief war at the start of Yugoslavia's breakup, it was the only country in the region considered ready to join the EU at the time.
A year before her presidency, she had already adopted the euro, becoming the first of the newly arrived countries to do so. In many ways, the story of Slovenia's success was seen as an EU success, a perfect sign that Brussels is uniting the continent in peace and prosperity after decades of the Cold War and the wars of the XNUMXs.
Ljubljana completed half of last year with praise. Guided by his legendary freedom fighter Prime Minister Janez Janša, his diplomats proved to be just as adept at managing the Council as seasoned professionals from France, Germany or Italy.
Of course, there were some howls about the media situation in the country, but they were quickly drowned out by praise for how adept Slovenia was when Kosovo declared independence just a few weeks after they took over the presidency, and how convincingly they managed to push the dossier on EU enlargement policy and economic integration. .
Twelve and a half years later, on July 1, 2021, and the picture is almost unrecognizable. When Slovenia now takes the helm for the second time, only one thing will be the same: Janša is the prime minister. But it is fair to say that he has changed. As well as Slovenia and the EU.
Today, Janša is known in EU circles either as "Marshal Tweeto" for his often unpredictable and harsh social media posts targeting journalists, or as "mini-Orban" for his friendship with the controversial Hungarian prime minister.
Janša's rhetoric and shift to the right in recent years have led some diplomats to fear that Ljubljana is increasingly moving in the same direction as Hungary and Poland, both of which are at loggerheads with the EU over media independence and numerous rule-of-law issues.
And while critics admit that Slovenia is not yet in the same category as those two countries, there is more and more evidence that things are not right. When most member states attacked Orbán for his recent "anti-LGBT" education law, Janša offered his support.
He clashed with and suspended funding for the national news agency STA, refused to finalize the procedure for appointing Slovenian prosecutors for the newly established European Public Prosecutor's Office (EPPO), congratulated Donald Trump on his "re-election" as US president in November 2020 and proposed the creation of a European Institute for Constitutional Law which would resolve disputes between Brussels and national capitals over rule of law issues, rather than the European Court of Justice (ECJ) making the final judgment.
And while Slovenia and its leader have changed significantly, so has the EU. And in this case, for the better. Shortly after the first Slovenian presidency of the EU, the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force, creating numerous positions and institutional reforms in Brussels.
First, the power of the state presidency was reduced by appointing a permanent president of the Council and the head of EU foreign policy with a European diplomatic corps who are now in charge of EU summits, i.e. the EU Foreign Affairs Council. This has taken the focus off many national leaders and helped Brussels deal with other potentially tricky presidencies, such as Hungary's and, quite recently, Romania's.
Even the agenda of the council sets a "triple presidency" in which Slovenia cooperates with the two countries that held the presidency before it - Germany and Portugal.
However, there is still some nervousness in the corridors of Brussels. Slovenian diplomats and some ministers will still nominally lead the processes, taking care to push through certain legislation and there is a fear that Janša could try to slow down the work or poison the atmosphere with his tweets. Likewise, the public's perception that someone like him is trying to pretend to be the president of the EU for a while is worrying.
And while concerns about Janša in Brussels might be understandable, many analysts consider it a detriment. Slovenia has said it will push for progress on many issues the Western Balkans have long wanted, such as Schengen membership for Bulgaria, Croatia and Romania and faster EU integration for the rest of the Western Balkans.
However, any statement from Ljubljana on the issue is likely to raise questions about the oft-mentioned but rarely seen non-paper - which allegedly originated in Janša's office, although he has denied it - and which suggests redrawing the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina. No wonder EU guys will look back on that glorious day in 2008 with nostalgia.
Bonus video:
