TELEVISION AND OTHER GAMES

Where the sun doesn't shine

The fact that on the thirtieth anniversary of the crime in Štrpci, a member of the Albanian nation was not elected as a judge of the Constitutional Court shows that the state of Montenegro holds on to multi-ethnicity and equality just as much as it did on February 27, 1993.

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Photo: Mladen Ivanovic
Photo: Mladen Ivanovic
Disclaimer: The translations are mostly done through AI translator and might not be 100% accurate.

Friday, February 24 - Mirsad Kurgaš lost his last battle. The first in which he fought for himself. And the only one, he led all the others for the sake of others.

And each ended with a victory, moral above all...

And that's the first thing that comes to mind when I think of him, ever since the first meeting in Resist. His understanding of honor, so rare in Montenegro in recent decades.

Humanity, but not as the casual choice of some people on some occasions. But as a way of life.

It is not a mass phenomenon in this big palanquin of ours. I don't think she ever was, unlike Mirsad who believed she was and would be again...

That's why he was everywhere where you had to fight for life according to human rules.

From Možura to Sinjajevina, from the olive trees in Valdanos to the cypress trees in Bar, from the protest Resist against the government and collective amnesia, to the struggle to prevent oblivion from covering anti-fascist and other spiritual achievements...

The rebellions of his mind always led him to the right place, where others should be motivated to rebel. Because of bad government or bad attitude towards nature, anyway...

His calm motivational speeches always ended with instructive messages, sometimes from the Koran, sometimes from Ljuba's grave...

In one of his last addresses to the public, he translated the thought of a philosopher from rebellious Ireland into the language of domestic rebellion:

- For injustice to dominate the world, it is enough for good people to do nothing!

And Mirza did! And before others and more than many.

The friends with whom he tried to make Montenegro better try not to let the oblivion overshadow his actions.

To begin with, one billboard in Bar.

Now they are looking for a place for a park, with cypresses or olive trees...

Not only because of the memory of Mirsad Kurgaš, but because of resisting the oblivion that does not allow Montenegro to move forward...

* * *

Saturday, February 25 - They forget, like every day for almost thirty years, Ibrahim Čikić resists.

The two of us have been reading each other for a long time, thoroughly and with understanding. If someone had asked me yesterday about the police torture he went through since February 24, 1994, I would have started blubbering thinking I knew everything...

And then I was ashamed of how much I still don't know...

- "God help you Chetnik brothers! Here is fresh Turkish blood! I have brought you the biggest mujaheddin in Montenegro. You will skin him alive and release him into the forest...". These are the words of Zoran Lazović when he handed me over to the paramilitary formations of the criminal Karadžić in Bosnia. For the next four days, I went through a terrible torture unimaginable to the human mind and intellect - Ibrahim announced on his Facebook profile.

We will wait for the state to be ashamed of him.

Unlike me, she cannot defend herself by saying that she could not have known. She knew everything, but despite that she chose to have Ibrahim's jailers keep her safe for almost three full decades.

That's why it is like this.

And it will be, until the designers of Action Lim and the contractors do not sweep where the sun does not shine.

Unfortunately, the prison in Foča is no longer available, but the cells in Bijelo Polje and Spuž are...

* * *

Sunday, February 26 - This forgetting is a miracle, I have been repeating for decades that one of the most successful projects of the former regime is the collective aMNEsia.

That's why I'm not at all surprised by the "commentators" of Ibrahim Čikić's announcement who defend the Montenegrin police against accusations, claiming that its crime from 1994 is a fabrication.

Because of such students, who attended the DPS political school for an extended period of thirty years, today we are renewing the material once again.

The Montenegrin police, in an operation under the code name Lim, at the end of January and the beginning of February 1994, arrested the entire leadership of the Party of Democratic Action for Montenegro and several of its members.

The State Security Service announced, "that the accused wanted to use armed force to create the Independent State of Sandžak".

Not only everyone in the SDB, the police, the prosecutor's office, the judiciary, the executive and legislative authorities, but also the entire Montenegrin public knew that it was a bare lie, because even then all the sessions of the parliament were available to them.

The state that the SDA "wanted to create", and without weapons, was - independent Montenegro. That was her first sin...

Another sin was the ethnic and religious affiliation of the leadership, activists and voters of that party. Bosniaks from Montenegro were destined for the same fate as compatriots from Bosnia and Herzegovina - ethnic cleansing by displacement or killing...

On the day of the arrest, a special TVCG program showed the unearthing of the "weapons of the arrested". Which were previously buried by some of the security services.

Only one more piece of "evidence" was photographed - "the hostile press read by the accused" in the form of several copies of the Monitor.

All the defendants were subjected to physical and psychological torture. That's why no one ever answered.

After two and a half years of imprisonment, they were pardoned by the then President of Montenegro, Momir Bulatović.

So much for guilt.

And what was the torture like? Torture, humiliating treatment, extortion of confessions, electric shocks, beatings, taking to a simulated shooting, cursing a Turkish mother, lowering into a well, forbidding the hiring of defenders, threats of exchange for Serbs captured in Bosnia, isolation in solitary confinement for up to seventeen months.

The result of the state crime and joint fraternal action was gruesome.

21 SDA officials were arrested in the Montenegrin part of Sandzak, 24 in the Serbian part.

According to the Helsinki Committee for Sandžak, a total of around 17.500 Bosniaks underwent terrible torture, and around 100.000 were permanently displaced.

* * *

Monday, February 27 - Let's not lie anymore, the kidnapping in Štrpci was also a state crime, both by doing and not doing.

That's why its president Danijela Đurović, and not just one deputy, had to call for a minute's silence in the state parliament.

Also, she was obliged to schedule a plenary session for today with only one item on the agenda: the report of state authorities and institutions on the investigation of the crimes committed against the passengers on train 671, as well as those in the Lim action.

For thirty years, the state - sometimes in the form of a joint FRY, and sometimes as separate Serbia and Montenegro - mocked the victims and their families by placing the blame on some "paramilitary formations".

That is a bare lie, almost a year before the crime in Štrpci, all the so-called paramilitary formations were placed under the command of the Army of the FRY.

Which could not be commanded without the consent of the President of Montenegro.

* * *

Tuesday, February 28 - Mocking the victims is not only a surprise musical performance at an inopportune moment, but also an expected joke from the belated election of judges.

The fact that on the thirtieth anniversary of the crime in Štrpci, a member of a minority nation was not elected as a judge of the Constitutional Court shows that the state of Montenegro holds on to multi-ethnicity and equality just as much as it did on February 27, 1993.

Faruk Resulbegović was not elected as a judge thanks to the decision of the majority of deputies of the former regime.

Not a Bosniak? And it shouldn't be, there were already in the Constitutional Court.

Unfortunately, that court was not available to the Albanians.

Will it be after the second round of voting? Maybe, but it will also be a great humiliation.

Not for the candidate, nor for the people he belongs to. But for Montenegro. And for all Montenegrins in DPS.

Who care about the ethnic and religious equality of Albanians just as much as they did at the "truth rally about Kosovo" in 1988 and in the police operation Eagle Flight in 2006...

* * *

Wednesday, March 1 - I believe that I have something to present to the entire Montenegrin public... I have never left my work unfinished - the President of Montenegro counted on endemic forgetfulness at the beginning of the campaign for the third mandate.

I have no more space to present its total effect to a part of that total public, I hope that this partial one, prompted by the anniversaries of two state crimes, was sufficient.

On this occasion, I thank the President from the bottom of my heart for leaving both of these jobs unfinished...

What it meant to him that he "doesn't turn his head away from Srebrenica", I didn't manage to understand.

I only know that the third "job" is unfortunately completed. And that, on behalf of the RS, its war minister Momčilo Mandić had already thanked him for that.

- I cannot forget the help that Milo Đukanović and his government gave to the Army of Republika Srpska and our people in 1994, when Slobodan Milošević imposed sanctions on us. It was Đukanović who sent the fuel for our tanks that fought from Foča through Srebrenica to Bihać and beyond. Who knows what would have happened to Republika Srpska if that help had not been there. We were on the verge of defeat... We must not forget the volunteers who were encouraged and equipped by the Government of Montenegro, when our brothers from Nikšić helped liberate Foča, and the people of Pljevlja liberated the Serbian poor from the mujahideen hordes in Gorazde...

That's all, for the start of the President's campaign. Read to the end...

Bonus video:

(Opinions and views published in the "Columns" section are not necessarily the views of the "Vijesti" editorial office.)