In the parliamentary elections held on June 11, 56 percent of voters officially turned out. If we start from the fact that a good part of them do not live in Montenegro, the percentage of the so-called real or "domestic" turnout, according to some estimates, goes up to 4 percent.
Given that there are no more "wartime" elections, elections as the first or last line of defense of the state or the church, and for this purpose the established "Mažino line" embodied in points with cash for loyal voting, "fat papers", "pen with cameras ", "throwers next to the boxes", "midshipmen" in front of polling stations, electorally hyperactive diaspora and the like, as well as the fact that the lists of safe voters are increasingly uncertain, it seems that we are ready for something new.
Of course, the electoral environment in Montenegro is not yet at the level of comparative European practice, and it will be necessary to do a lot more to get closer to its proclaimed model, but a big step forward has certainly been made compared to the modest Montenegrin conditions so far. In Serbia, for example, in terms of the electoral process, some of the critical public already treat us as a "standard".
Voter turnout, although formally the lowest in the history of Montenegrin multipartyism, not counting the cycles of presidential elections, when part of the opposition boycotted them, is wrongly presented as a special warning from voters addressed to the Montenegrin political elite. Namely, the "plebiscite phase" of the history of Montenegrin elections, as a phase of domestic politics characterized by a heated social atmosphere and an environment of conflict between irreconcilable political poles, simply expired. She was deflated. This does not mean that in the future there will not be "battles" over "epic" topics, but it means that such bickering will no longer be a mainstream political topic.
It could even be said that this turnout is actually optimal, in the context of a kind of global warming of the political climate in Montenegro, after the end of the "ice age" and consequently new circumstances, which are characterized, first of all, by the absence of the factor of the dominant party in the last elections. DPS's dinosaur and its famous project of safe votes, which has been openly used by long-time leading opposition entities, is still alive, but it is undoubtedly entering its palliative phase. Some new "species" will get their chance.
While we are waiting for the decisions of the Constitutional Court on election appeals and the determination of the final results, it would be said, judging by the reactions of the representatives of the electoral lists that entered the parliament, that everyone won. All see themselves as key players in the coming distribution of power. It is evident that the arch-key player is the Movement Europe now. The big winners are the minority parties. A major drawback of the Montenegrin political scene even after these elections is the absence of authentic Roma representation in the parliament. The key loser is probably the URA, i.e. its leader Dritan Abazović. DPS is definitely at the upper limit of its capabilities. Tough "Front" as well.
When we compare the election results from August 2020 and this latest one, we see that the fundamental difference is that now the government of those forces that triumphed in the previous elections can be formed without the URE. Therefore, there will be no "cup on the scales", and therefore no blackmail potential, as a favorite sin and diabolical urge due to sudden and disproportionate power.
Therefore, the "new" Montenegrin political elite needs rationality, moderation, thoughtfulness and responsibility. Well, if in the pre-election contest, populism is somewhat understandable, as a manner of gaining public trust by hyperproduction of hypermessages, this practice is even logically completely incomprehensible in the period after the election and in the first days after the constitution of new authorities. In connection with this is the now famous gaffe of President Milatović, who, contrary to the principles on which the political-legal logic of appointing advisers rests, chooses his associates on the so-called public competition. Of course, it is not a public competition in the sense in which it is provided by law as an institute, because its public competition is not based on the criteria of objectivity and neutrality of procedure and decision-making. The choice of an adviser should not be subject to such a single mechanism, but rather the opposite - its strength is in a relationship based on intuition personae - an expression of personal trust, in this case the trust of the President of Montenegro in the person with whom he intends to consult when making decisions, behind of which he and only he should stand.
Perhaps the President wanted to show that from now on it will be different and that knowledge and education will be valued, not the party booklet. It is an excellent message, but the President chose a completely wrong and definitely harmful way of simulating that different practice. Instead, he should use his presidential authority the moment he notices that the practice of party, nepotism, nepotism, cronyism, or sevap-bole employment in the public sector is carried out in new circumstances and to publicly warn those who carry it out or do not eliminate the disastrous consequences. effects of this kind of usurpation of public administration and the public sector in general.
Perhaps his, at least so far, closest associate, Milojko Spajić, the most likely future prime minister, will have the political sense and morals not to see only the terrifying power of tactics in differentiating tactics from strategy and thus "pragmatize" all potential shortcuts that tempt any potential reformer. Maybe he will have enough awareness and maturity to insist on building solid foundations on which to build a new political, economic and social idea in Montenegro during the negotiations on the new government. A broad coalition for this purpose is a good political assumption, but it is far more important than a broad coalition and stability of the Government in itself to promote socially responsible forms of political agreement, implementation and measurability of the results of the agreed policy. Electoral success, of anyone, must not be a reason for seeking a greater share in power, it must be the basis for exercising greater responsibility.
All in all, the confirmed strength of PES is the most striking basis for analysis and prediction of the future path.
Will Spajić and Milatović be the new Milo and Momir? Not that there is absolutely no basis for such a comparison, but perhaps we are still reacting here like a lizard after an experience with a snake. It is only certain that such a game and a new faking of a match between "honest" and "resourceful" would cost us the loss of another generation, and we no longer have half a generation to lose.
"Europe now" is like Montenegro: full of those who expect something. Unfortunately, our expectations are largely twisted and corrupted. This is how we are taught to vote for those from whom we expect a "state job". We expect, therefore, something that we should not expect on that occasion. And it is high time to start a serious public debate about what is right, from the point of view of democratic values, common and legitimate individual interest, to expect in return from gassing for someone in the elections.
This is an opportunity to, along with the already strengthened media and the non-governmental sector, strengthen the supporting pillar of every democratic system - namely the political parties, i.e. their credibility, which will depend precisely on their readiness to understand that essential changes in the manner of their political activity are something that will keep afloat in the future. The time of tolerating the inflation of political messages is over. Hyperinflation has occurred and the system must be reset. Perhaps it is still not seen enough in our country, but it is a matter of time when it will become clear as day to everyone. Voters are becoming more politically literate, and therefore more demanding. That market needs new goods, with declaration and guarantee. In the next elections, even fewer voters will turn out. And it will not be any special message, but, as with these, the result of a new reality that requires adaptation.
Waving the fight against crime and corruption in a political competition represents the meaningless of the constitutional system of a democratic society. It is the bait that the masses fall on. Crime and corruption should be dealt with by independent and professional institutions of the rule of law. Government media campaigns are a pure misuse of government resources. The bombastic statements of the Prime Minister and Government officials that result in "a mountain shook, a mouse was born" represent a malicious diversion of the public's attention in the absence of valid reasons for praise. Let's hope that "Europe Now" will learn something from other people's mistakes. Otherwise, come her and their latter URA.
The author is a lawyer
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