Government with an aim according to the Italian-German recipe

The Italians have a coin "governo di scopo" (government with a goal) for the executive power that is formed, as a rule, after long and difficult crises, with the task of passing a series of the most important laws and decisions that will fix the situation in the country, put it on the right track , and prepare it for new elections. A government with a goal, the duration of which would be related to the fulfillment of the pre-agreed program of the coalition partners, according to the German recipe (only steps agreed upon by the coalition agreement can be taken), is the only way out that now opens the way for the European Movement to be in a position to win and in the next elections. In any other scenario, the movement of Milojko Spajić and the President of Montenegro Jakov Milatović risks being exposed to "spending", "crowning", compromising, an extremely negative media campaign and lasting only one political season.

The media octopus of the former regime is still alive and well-financed, and is now in a favorable opposition location. After thirty years during which they had to play on the defensive and justify and mask the transformation of Montenegro into a state of drug dealers, cigarette smugglers, a paradise for laundering criminally acquired money, now they can finally be on the offensive on all fronts and not only on the identity front. They could be joined, in a separate column, by the Russophile or pseudo-Serbian-leaning media who wish for Montenegro to be an unstable and problematic country with a series of open questions suitable for continuing to sow conspiracy theories, animosity and segregation within Montenegrin society. In other words, PES and the Democrats could find themselves between two fires, forced to prove their "ethnic and ethical correctness" and patriotism every day.

After announcing the content of the correspondence on the Sky application, which confirmed what everyone in Montenegro knew - the only difference was that some did not want to see it and others could not or had no one to prove what they knew - it becomes clear to everyone why was the issue of nation, language, and religion being ridden and still ridden in a frenzy? And there was an important differentiation here, the former did it to mask their wrongdoings, and the latter because they are not capable of formulating a policy in which the identity issue would not be dominant.

Bearing in mind the distribution of forces in the Montenegrin parliament, as well as the stated position of PES leader Milojko Spajić that he will not enter into a coalition with the DPS and the Civic Movement URA, more precisely with Dritan Abazović, as well as that the entry of the coalition for the future of Montenegro (ZBCG) would represent the problem of accreditation of the government in relations with the most important partners in the North Atlantic Alliance and the EU, the only possible solution for the formation of the government remains the coalition of PES, the Democrats, the Bosniak Party, the Albanian Forum, the Albanian Alliance and the Croatian Civic Initiative.

If we add to the above that within the PES parliamentary club there will also be representatives of other parties such as Srđan Pavićević (CIVIS) and Vladimir Dobričanin (United Montenegro) or independent candidates, such as Seid Hodžić, we come to the conclusion that the executive power will be composed of eight or nine parties and will have only one MP more than the opposition in the parliament. Or, in translation, every party or individual will be able to overthrow the ruling coalition, that is, to blackmail it.

Also, unlike the 42nd Government of Zdravko Krivokapić, when the connective tissue and catalyst of internal conflicts was the fear of DPS returning to power, a possible coalition led by PES will not be able to count on that deterrent element in parliamentary life.

Spajić's only way out of the very uncomfortable position he found himself in after the election result that was not good enough or at least not as good as PES had hoped, is to apply the symbiosis of the Italian-German experience: adopt a transparent, concise and efficient program with the most important tasks from the EU agenda and in a relatively short period return the mandate to the voters to choose, if possible, the composition of the parliament in which it will be possible to elect a less heterogeneous government.

To avoid confusion, parties of national minorities - although the term national minority in a constitutionally defined civil state is a kind of "contradictio in adiecto" - should always be in the executive power. It is problematic when those parties are the tip of the scales in the Parliament of Montenegro. The idea of ​​the so-called positive discrimination of national minority parties was to guarantee them representation in the Parliament and not to be a "kingmaker" in the selection of Montenegrin governments.

The practice of previous decades has shown that the parties of less numerous nations in an intense political marriage with the DPS took on its characteristic of verbally advocating for European values ​​and membership in the EU, while in practice applying little or nothing of what is needed for the realization of European the desire of the citizens of Montenegro. Just as they wave the flag of citizens of Montenegro with one hand and firmly hold their national symbols with the other, they also agitated as much if not more than the former Democratic Front for the population census to include identity issues of nation, religion and language.

Therefore, in order for PES and the Democrats to avoid blackmail and compromises that they would have to pay in the next elections, they need to form a "government with a goal" according to the Italian recipe, and according to German good practice, before the new government receives the confidence of the Parliament of Montenegro, they must negotiate with the coalition partners down to the last smallest detail, every future move of the executive power, including the rule that none of the coalition members can go beyond the scope of the scope determined by the adopted program. The German methodology implies that nothing can be done that is not foreseen in the coalition agreement. The second imperative must be to end the practice of "feudal" division of ministries that act more like party bureaus for employment and the realization of personal, family and friendly interests than state ones.

In this context, PES and the Democrats could and should use the so-called the EU agenda, i.e. the listed moves, appointments in the judiciary, laws and reforms that the future government must adopt in order to speed up the European integration of Montenegro. In this way, they would force the parties that in the past were pro-European only in words to show in deeds their commitment to the construction of the rule of law, just as they kept their eyes closed in the implementation of the structure in which policemen, inspectors, prosecutors, judges, ministers, state secretaries, deputies, local officials and journalists made Montenegro the Balkan Colombia of the end of the 20th century.

Also, Danijela Živković's DPS will have a great chance to show its commitment to European values ​​and accelerating the integration of Montenegro into the EU in securing the necessary qualified majority for the election of new judges and prosecutors, which is a conditio sine qua non for moving Podgorica from a deadlock on the way to membership. in the EU. It would be very indicative that the New Serbian Democracy and the Democratic People's Party, accused by some and suspected by others of Russophilic attitudes and submissive attitude towards Belgrade, provide the necessary majorities for the election of judges and prosecutors and contribute to the acceleration of European integration, not "pro-European", pro-Atlantic” DPS.