OPINION

A new hope and an old deception

The story of our long journey to Europe often slips from the track of necessary institutional reforms to the wasteland of political rhetoric.

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Photo: Shutterstock
Photo: Shutterstock
Disclaimer: The translations are mostly done through AI translator and might not be 100% accurate.

Like any good lie, the story about the new, stable Government of Montenegro contains a grain of truth!

Namely, it was pointed out that the task of the future 44th government will be to fulfill the conditions for our membership in the European Union and to continue the fight against all forms of corruption, as well as organized crime that has international branches. The necessity of having the support of 49 deputies was highlighted as its starting point for smooth operation!

If we start from the thin end of the story about the future government and try to analyze the concerns about the difficult-to-achieve qualified majority for the desired election of the new Judicial Council, the Supreme State Prosecutor and the remaining judges of the Constitutional Court, then we must clearly see that among the political subjects there are those who do not support the membership of Montenegro in the EU or they want to rule without dialogue with the opposition, which is again an anti-European and undemocratic manner. This becomes more accurate if we know how the judges of the Constitutional Court were recently elected and how the ambassadors of the Quinte countries are obviously mentoring us in our daily political activities. A qualified majority in the Assembly of Montenegro is attainable and possible if you do not base your party agenda solely on animosity towards DPS or someone else, but when you strive for the democratic development of your society and when you are fully committed to the strategic determination that Montenegro should become the first, a new member of the European Union. Certainly, the question remains open - why did the previous parliamentary convocation and the two governments not reform the negotiation structure on Montenegro's accession to the European Union? Probably the answer to this question is overwhelmingly similar to the failed attempt to reform the electoral legislation.

According to this, you simply have to notice how all the parliamentary parties either declare or remain silent about the very substantial and explicit project of the Center for Democratic Transition entitled: "How to stop the decline of democracy - 35 recommendations for electoral reform".

However, the story of our long journey to Europe often slips from the track of necessary institutional reforms to the wasteland of political rhetoric. The laments of Balkan politicians and their geopolitical aspects of security often go down well with citizens, because Brussels officials themselves do not have a clear vision of the European perspective of the Western Balkans. This is best evidenced by the recent statement of the European Commissioner for Enlargement, Oliver Varheli, and his bidding regarding the time frame for further EU enlargement. On the other hand, in the same statement, this Euro official clearly indicates that, in the coming period, Brussels will announce "significant proposals" to countries in the accession process. Simply put, if we want to stay in this story, we have to make the state apparatus cheaper, more professional and more efficient! Unfortunately, very few of our citizens realize that formal membership in the EU will not bring us existential benefits by itself. Everyone knows the experiences of Bulgaria and Romania.

Of course, elections for the European Parliament will be held next year, new leaders of European institutions will be appointed, such as the president and members of the European Commission, the president of the European Council and the European Parliament, and among them the new high representative of the EU for common foreign policy and security. One of the main debates during these elections will be about reform and the way the EU itself functions. In addition to this, the long-awaited peace agreement between Ukraine and Russia will be a determining factor for the further future of European sovereignty.

In the continuation of the story about the new government's priorities, we notice that the new/old fight against corruption will be one of the most dominant topics, but we already notice that party appetites regarding the distribution of portfolios will play a significant role and that, by the nature of things, the practice of political and non-professional staffing in management bodies and public enterprises. Perhaps this is also why, even by the president of the state and the future prime minister, qualified support in the parliament was frantically sought, so that the party influence from the parties that would make up the eagerly awaited government could be transferred to the sphere of the judiciary, and thus, as in the unfortunate DrPS time, the division between the branches of government was once again erased. With this remark, it should be pointed out that there are as many as 35 vacant judge positions in basic courts and that out of 15 basic courts in Montenegro, 14 of them function with reduced capacity. A new convocation of the Judicial Council is awaited...

According to this circumstance, and a series of similar ones, the foundation must be laid (again) for the upcoming public discussion and open criticism due to potential corrupt behavior in the announcement. The most quoted definitions of the concept of corruption were determined by the World Bank and Transparency International, and they unequivocally indicate that it represents "abuse of public authority, i.e. entrusted powers for the purpose of private gain". In this conceptual definition, we clearly see that all civil servants, officials, bureaucrats and politicians should be imposed a clear definition that their private and party interests cannot be realized through their engagements in the public sector. In this matter, special attention should be paid to limiting the discretionary right of officials to decide on the manner and purpose for which public funds are spent. Maybe the populous citizens will finally understand why we are waiting (and will continue to wait) for the Law on the Government of Montenegro and its further by-laws, as well as changes in the governing acts for economic entities in which the state has an ownership stake.

In the end, we are left with that grain of truth from the beginning of this text! It is the same bitter feeling, that is, a reminder of all (similar) events, recent and long ago, that led our Montenegro to social chaos, value anomie and a sense of hopelessness.

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(Opinions and views published in the "Columns" section are not necessarily the views of the "Vijesti" editorial office.)