At the end of the 18th century, Catherine the Great planned a trip to the Crimea, which, a few years earlier, had been conquered by her court favorite, Count Grigory Potemkin. However, he managed to take over the agriculturally rich Crimea from the Ottoman Empire, but he did not realize the promised colonization of the peninsula.
To save face, Potemkin ordered a series of painted, cardboard facades to be built along the river along which the empress would travel, and also, to complete the illusion, he brought in cheerful villagers and herds of well-fed cattle. There was no prosperity, but it seemed to be there.
Since then, various versions of "Potemkin's villages" have become an integral part of Russian history. In Soviet times, the notion that communism improved life obscured systemic violence and repression. Even today, the Kremlin works tirelessly to create the impression that Russia is a bastion of stability and strength and that a grateful nation is completely loyal to its leader, Vladimir Putin. But, behind that facade, disappointment, despair, fear and anger are hidden.
This truth can be seen in contemporary Russian films and television series, because in popular culture it is difficult to completely lie about the political situation. In the Russian crime drama "Boy's World: Blood on the Asphalt", violent and chaotic politics produce violent and chaotic streets. When leaders say that the enemy is lurking everywhere or that the best defense is to strike first, then paranoia, intolerance and aggression begin to grow.
So it's not surprising when in the background, while Putin is waging war against Ukraine, Russian children are bullying their classmates, teenagers are attacking passers-by and making videos about it, and adults are starting mass fights in public places.
Contrary to the claims of the Kremlin, today's Russia is neither a fortress of stable and contented life nor a bastion of prosperity. Although in 2023, despite Western sanctions, Russian GDP grew by more than 3%, this figure can hardly be explained by real (or even sustainable) economic dynamics.
No, it is explained by the fact that the state pours huge funds into the military-industrial complex. But those resources have to be taken from somewhere, and judging by the range of disasters - including infrastructure disasters, power outages, and fires in factories and warehouses - one can only guess where they come from.
In addition, the Ukrainian war caused a mass exodus of Russians from the country, including many valuable experts; that's why now 85% of companies report a lack of qualified workers. It is estimated that Russia will lack around four million skilled workers by 2030, which will reduce GDP growth by two percentage points.
As in any dictatorship, the same rule applies here - the more problems Putin has, the louder the propaganda. This explains why in November, on National Unity Day, a large "exhibition forum" simply called "Russia" was opened in Moscow. The six-month event (which ends after the presidential elections in March) is conceived as a "big projection of the whole country": 131 exhibitions bring together the "main achievements" of Russia - from "revolutionary discoveries" to Russian "victories" in "industry, culture and sports".
The Russia presented in this exhibition may be full of the glory that Putin talks about, but what we see are Potemkin villages - a shameless attempt to cover up the dark truth with seductive lies. Moreover, this exhibition serves to strengthen the cult of Putin's personality. In this sense, the choice of venue for the event could not have been more appropriate: the Exhibition of Achievements of the National Economy (VDNH) was held at the height of Stalin's purges.
On huge screens installed in the pavilions, Putin's image and avatar preside over the proceedings, talking to workers, meeting with doctors and praying with the clergy. Meanwhile, the gift shop offers merchandise plastered with quotes from the president's speeches. "The Russian flag cannot bother anyone," it says on the T-shirt. "It is equally honorable to be our friend and our enemy," suggests the hoodie.
For Russians unable to make it to the VDNH gift shop, similar quotes were displayed on giant screens across the country during the first two weeks of the year. Russians passing through the streets were reminded that "the main gold reserve of the country is the people" and that "nothing is impossible when the path to the goal is lit by love for the motherland."
This is the rhetoric from the introductory course on "Soviet Dictators". Who can forget the posters of Stalin in a cream jacket handing out ice cream to happy children, towering over cultivated fields and a crowd of peasants on them or simply looking proudly into the distance. During his reign, his portraits were everywhere - bas-reliefs on building facades, banners in parades, even woven into carpets. Other Soviet leaders, from Lenin to Brezhnev, also loved posters of their statements, both brilliant and nonsensical.
The goal of the Kremlin's current propaganda is not to convince people that life in Russia is safe and prosperous. It may have started that way, but as the Ukraine war continues, Putin must adapt. Repeating Stalin's narrative that progress towards socialism brings more challenges, causing class struggle to escalate, Putin is now using propaganda to prepare Russians for continued war.
These attempts are not particularly hidden. On January 14, the pavilion of the Ministry of Defense called "Army for Children" was opened at VDNH. City of professions. The future of the country". On the same day, the exhibition "Proces. Franz Kafka and 20th Century Art” at the Jewish Museum (also known as the Center for Tolerance).
What Russia needs today are precisely the messages conveyed by the Kafka exhibition: the Soviet system was absurd, but capable of ruthless efficiency in crushing innocent individuals. Instead, the messages Russians are now receiving are increasingly militarized and less tolerant - a facade behind rigged elections, a weakening economy and widespread violence. Potemkin would be proud.
The author is a professor of international affairs at the New School in New York
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2024. (translation: NR)
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