And it started just fine. Brussels administrators did not hide their enthusiasm for Montenegro, and their subjective sense of reform changed as soon as the prime minister showed off his boots. Years of agendas were zipped into three months of results, and at the meetings everything was buzzing with great messages from the two-thirds government of brotherhood and unity. The Supreme Prosecutor and the Constitutional Court are just the beginning, said Miki, because there will be reforms as long as there are chairs to barter for parliamentary votes. When the government is led by a scion of the corporate world, there are no ideological complaints and cries, but a potential partner is done a favor and the ego is massaged until the job is done. And by the time the abused partner comes to his senses, he has already become the Dalai Lama walking around Strasbourg, while half of the voters support NATO.
Milojko's great news also affected the opposition. Where the prime minister is an opportunist, the government is not tight either, so it can be supplemented until only Dritan remains in the opposition. There will be places by depth while there are votes in the Assembly, and every party activist with a fake degree will become a state secretary or at least a director. When JBB managed to gather all religions and nations around the olive trees in Podgorica, Miki can also push them into the government. To drive official cars and support economic programs that they have seen as much as Chupacabra. And if someone in the government has a political conscience, Milo's political children are there to replace him. They certainly take the prime minister at his word, as educators, and they are ready to wait for ministerial posts like the people for a salary of one thousand euros.
But, unfortunately, great news and Brussels delights are only for Public Service and media fanzines. Coalition camaraderie does not reign in Montenegro, even though the prime minister is trying to encourage Tatatatris from the electorate. It is far from a green branch and, as the Minister of Justice and BIL would say, the system is a trope for us.
The security apparatus is disintegrating before our eyes like the marriage of Džinović, and the policemen and agents are once again choosing whose clan they will side with. Maybe the Dalai Lama drinks wine with the gentlemen of Brussels, but Dodik's guests drink homemade brandy, and his political children are given flowers in the garden. In the government of justice and reform, inconvenient miners and police chiefs are kept under the rug until the smarter ones give in, and political asylums are distributed as in the DPS era. For a small price, the Sir Olivers from the state administration turn people from warrants into political dissidents, until everyone forgets them like Montenegrin prosecutors Do Kwon.
The prime minister's political backbone is in vain when the first joint offensive of the SPO and its government partners breaks it. Instead of God giving the judicial leader in the government a blow, his colleagues give him a letter from the party and a cell at Vuk Karadžić 3. To keep quiet in it, pray for IBAR and forget all the secret agents and BIL love. The voices of the pious and converted are in vain, when Milojko and Jakov no longer share either the cake or the party. Instead of building DPS for orthodox millennials, they are now dismantling municipal boards and counting aldermen. While the former brothers are divided, the voters are left to hope in the prophecy of the professor-prime minister, in which the beautiful experts will one day have 60 percent of support, and the persistent Dritan, Danijel and Andrija will go below the census.
Where the prophetic powers of the former prime minister fail, numerous analysts will try to explain how all this is normal. Montenegrin democracy still needs time to get back on its feet, so we need to turn a blind eye to political trades and party shenanigans for a few more years. If we mention the bonfires on the coast, they will ask us where we were when the arrests were made because of Facebook. Why were we silent while the godfathers and party comrades were selling the sea and the mountains, and now it bothers us that the uncles are reforming the services. They will remind that Duško and Milo also had hologram ministers, and that Miki is not the first prime minister to borrow the state from usury.
After all, when Brussels and the Montenegrin parliament have no objections to the Government, there is no need for us to play games with Med and Dritan.
We put up with the octopus for 30 years, so we can give the experts a few years to practice democracy on our backs. If we trusted DK for the blue bag even though we didn't see it, we don't even have to force the prime minister to publish the recipe for Europe Now 2. When Mickey's massive coalition partners don't mind loans and bechtels, we don't have to ask why clans are killing each other again in the streets and police officers are beaten in prisons. Let's believe in the great news from the small screens and let them lead us from trope to trope.
Bonus video:
