When, after 75 years, communism also fell in Montenegro, or because the DPS, a hybrid or newly composed version of that "red monster", lost on August 30, 2020, the first elections that took place after the historic date were - Nikšić's. Although the voters decided only on the local government, the importance of the battle for Nikšić is figuratively equated with that for Stalingrad, from the Second World War, because in the city under Trebjes, both Milo's and Vučić's lists were impatiently but also anxiously awaiting its outcome - they were the first to hope that August 2020 was a mistake and that Nikšić is not Montenegro, that he will pay his respects to his son Milo Đ from Rastok, while Vučić knew that he had to certify the victory at the state level and thus let Milo's dad go down the drain forever, and embrace him on his kanabe marionettes from Andrija, Milan and other Dajković.
What happened was expected by everyone except Đukanović and his party and propaganda - DPS was defeated. Not only in Nikšić, but also in all subsequent elections, even where, as in Cetinje, he won 43 percent, he went to the corner, to the opposition bench. The peak of the election defeats of the neo-communist party was in the spring of 2023, when the beardless, and in the last minutes of the legal deadline, Jakov Milatović, in the race for the head of state, literally outclassed MĐ., a hardened autocrat and a master at buying elections in an extended period.
We all know what happened in the meantime, after August 2020 - two governments fell, we have a third one, also a minority one, Medenica fell on WhatsApp, but also "Kavčani" and Milo Božović on Sky, Jakov turned his back on Mickey, and Eskobar on Jakov, Andrija M. became Dalai L., Milan remained Pipun, and Dritan is no longer prime minister, which has a positive effect on his rating - in short, that would be the political-sociological configuration with which we welcome the elections in Budva on May 26.
Why are they important?
It seems that after the Budva elections, nothing will be the same, that some of the political actors will have to die and others will have to wake up. The stakes are high, so the results from the Budva emirate will be awaited not only by the local branches of the parliamentary parties and their leaders, but also by the party headquarters in Podgorica.
PES is participating in some elections for the first time after its leader Milojko Drugi became prime minister and the party won the largest number of ministerial positions in the current cabinet. Hence, the abuse of state functions for pre-election purposes will now be on the side of Spajki, and not Đukanović, as we have been used to for decades. In addition, PES is participating in the elections in Budva for the first time, which is strange considering that a year or so ago, it was much more serious, stable and therefore stronger. The citizens swore by Mickey and Jacob, and Europe Now 2 seemed just as impressive to them as the crypto plan of Cottrell, Buterin, Spike and Do Kwon. It will therefore remain in the realm of gossip and speculation that Milo Božović then secured an absolute victory by lobbying Mali (Siniša) or Veliki (Aleksander) through the central office in Belgrade, so that Mickey, unprovoked, would give up submitting the list for Budva. In addition to all that was mentioned, PES still does not have a serious and organized local committee today, it is speculated that the main negotiator, Zenović, was offered to accept that hot potato, but that he allegedly refused, so as things stand now, Spajić is running for election on the 26th. of May with a "no name" list, probably hoping that his charisma will make up for that shortcoming. Like Vučić, who recently mocked his party soldiers and followers with the question - who would vote for you if my name was not in the name of the list. Any PES result that would be worse than the one from the parliamentary elections (25 percent) would be a failure, anything below 20 percent would be a heavy defeat for the party that reminds us every now and then that it is the strongest on the political scene, while their eventual drop to 10-15 percent would caused a national earthquake.
The so-called Vučić list will also be put to the test. Although Mandić and Knežević will boast that the coalition of 5-6 subjects is the result of their seriousness and self-organization, it is difficult to imagine how Danilko and Dajko, and Joko and Marko were pushed into the same bus, without an invisible and broad hand helping that endeavor the Belgrade master. The coalition of the former DF, which ran in the last Budva elections under the brand of Milo Božović, won absolute power, close to 50 percent of the vote, so now they are facing an inevitable decline, but it doesn't matter if it's 30, 25 or even less. It will also depend on how much time Vučić and his infrastructure will have to put their capacities at the service of this list, considering that their battle for Belgrade will go on in parallel.
Part of the votes of the same ideological and political provenance will go to the list of the current president of SO Budva, Nikola Jovanović. As an "outsider", a Mojkov resident working temporarily in the metropolis of tourism, he has a much better chance of success if he is supported by Milo (Spuški) Božović. In any way. Although it is somewhat strange how in a democratic society a man in custody, suspected of drug smuggling, can contribute positively and even in a significant percentage to the result of an election list - that is our reality. Especially Budva, since the day when Sveto Marović made it an emirate. And Milo, Tigar, Oficir and Serdar from Kavč and Škaljar are our biggest brands, known throughout Europe and Latin America.
Even the Democrats do not care before the Budva elections. If they do not even repeat the result from the past (13 percent), it will be difficult to preserve the unity of the party and the position in the Government. Spajki and Milović are stalking them, together with Koprivica, but Krapović, Aleksa and Boris are trusting in the supposedly personal, most representative local list with which they will appear in the elections. The success of the DCG would significantly strengthen their position in the unstable Government, where they are at odds with the Prime Minister, as well as silence the doubts and grumblings of the disaffected within the party itself.
As far as the opposition is concerned, DPS believes that the citizens of Budva will punish the governing parties of the last eight years as they previously punished themselves, in truth, after a much longer and more thorough search of the city. In the last elections, DPS, with satellites, took a solid 26 percent, now it is not counting on less, but even if it happens, the question remains - what is it worth to them when their coalition capacity is still zero. And if they went to Joanikis and Churches of Serbia to pray for their own success as well as the success of Spajić's list, it is hard to believe that after May 26, PES would form a majority with the party still managed by Đukanović, and financially and propagandistically kept alive by Bemax.
That the importance of the battle for Budva far exceeds the local importance is shown by the fact that neither Abazović nor Uri care how they fare in these elections. And their future and perspective depend on whether at the end of May they will take barely anything above the census or if they will jump to 8-10 percent, as "recognized" by some serious measurements of public opinion, true at the state level.
When everything is put together, nothing in Budva and Montenegro will be the same after the May vote. One of the unknowns that can significantly determine the final result is the position of the head of state, Milatović. The outcome of these elections depends a lot on the answer to the question of whether he will directly or indirectly interfere in the election race and support a list or several of them, or whether he will remain on the sidelines. And then the epilogue of political events until the end of the year.
If PES succumbs in Budva, the opposition will immediately raise the question of the legitimacy of the Government and the current parliamentary majority. On the other hand, if the Democrats overcome Vučić's list, the reconstruction of Spajić's cabinet will go according to plan, at the end of the year, and not in the middle of the summer, as Mandić and Knežević hope and advocate. For Milo Božović, this is not only a matter of choice, but also of freedom in a way. If he remains out of all combinations, which the leaders of ZBCG wish for, even though they have recently sworn in the MB, then his defense and further status in court proceedings will be significantly more vulnerable. In the end, DPS's only hope is that, either out of necessity and a bad result, or because of pressure from Washington, Spike will finally break his brain after the election and start building a majority with them?! This would save them, not only in Budva, from further attrition and free fall, but would also slow down or postpone the processes of the emergence of new political entities that count on the same voters, one led by former Prime Minister Marković and the other that is ready to be led by Savo Kentera, the short-lived head Udbe.
Bonus video:
