The European Parliament elections brought a surprise - exactly what everyone expected happened. To paraphrase a classic scene from the Marx Brothers: Europe may be talking and acting like it's moving to the right, but don't let that fool you; Europe is really going radically to the right.
Why should we insist on such an interpretation? Because most of the mainstream media is trying to suppress it. They keep repeating: "Yes, Marina Le Pen, Giorgio Meloni and the Alternative for Germany (AfD) occasionally flirt with fascist ideas, but there is no reason to panic because they still respect democratic rules and institutions when they are in power." this normalization of the radical right, because it indicates the readiness of traditional conservative parties to side with the new movement. The axiom of European democracy after World War II, no cooperation with fascists, was quietly abandoned.
The message of these elections is clear. In most EU countries, the political divide is no longer between moderate right and moderate left, but between the conventional right, embodied by the main winner, the EPP, the European People's Party (Christian Democrats, liberal conservatives and traditional conservatives) and the neo-fascist right represented by Le Pen, Meloni, AfD and others.
Now the question is whether the EPP will cooperate with the neo-fascists. The President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, spins the outcome of the election as a triumph of the EPP against both "extremes", but there will be no left-wing parties in the new parliament whose extremism is hardly comparable to the extremism of the extreme right. Such a "balanced" attitude of a high EU official sends an ominous signal.
When we talk about fascism today, we should not only deal with the developed West. A similar kind of politics is on the rise in much of the global South. In his study of China's development, the Italian Marxist historian Domenico Losurdo (also known for rehabilitating Stalin) emphasizes the difference between economic and political power. In carrying out his "reforms", Deng Xiaoping knew that elements of capitalism were necessary to unleash the productive forces of society; but he insisted that political power should remain firmly in the hands of the Chinese Communist Party (as the self-proclaimed representatives of the workers and peasants).
This approach has deep historical roots. China promotes "Pan-Asianism" that emerged at the end of the 19th century as a reaction to Western imperialist domination and exploitation. As historian Viren Murthy explains, that project has always been driven by a rejection not of Western capitalism, but of Western liberal individualism and imperialism. If Asian societies relied on their premodern traditions and institutions, pan-Asianists argued, they could orchestrate their own modernization to be even more dynamic than the West.
While Hegel considered Asia as a domain of rigid order that does not allow individualism (free subjectivity), pan-Asianists proposed a new Hegelian conceptual framework. Since the freedom offered by Western individualism ultimately negates order and leads to social disintegration, they argued, the only way to preserve freedom is to channel it into a new collective action force.
An example of that model can be found in Japan's militarization and colonial expansion before World War II. But the lessons of history are quickly forgotten. In the search for solutions to major problems, many Westerners today could be attracted to the Asian model of subordinating individualistic drives and the desire for meaning - to a collective project.
Pan-Asianism has tended to oscillate between its socialist and fascist versions (with the boundaries between the two not always clear), reminding us that "anti-imperialism" is not as innocent as it seems. In the first half of the 20th century, Japanese and German fascists always presented themselves as a bulwark against American, British and French imperialism; today we have far-right nationalist politicians who take similar positions in relation to the European Union.
The same tendency is noticeable in post-Deng China, which political scientist A. James Gregor classifies as a "variant of modern fascism": a capitalist economy controlled and regulated by an authoritarian state, whose legitimacy is placed within the framework of ethnic tradition and national heritage. That's why Chinese President Xi Jinping always refers to China's long, continuous history that goes back to antiquity. Harnessing economic impulses into nationalist projects is precisely the definition of fascism, and similar political dynamics can be found in India, Russia, Turkey and other countries.
It is not difficult to understand why this model has become popular. As the Soviet Union suffered a chaotic collapse, the Chinese Communist Party turned to economic liberalization while maintaining firm political control. Sympathizers among the left praise China for keeping capital in a subordinate position, unlike the US and Europe, where capital dominates.
But the new fascism is also supported by some recent trends. In addition to Le Pen, the big winner of the European elections is Phidias Panagiotis, a Cypriot YouTuber who attracted attention by trying to hug Elon Musk. As he waited for his target outside Twitter headquarters, he encouraged fans to "spamm" Musk's mother. In the end, Mask received him and hugged him. Then Panagioti announced his candidacy for the European Parliament. Acting on an anti-party platform, he won 19,4% of the vote and secured a seat for himself.
Similar figures are emerging in France, the United Kingdom, Slovenia and elsewhere, and they all justify their candidacy with the "leftist" argument that, since democratic politics has become a mockery, clowns can also run for office. It's a dangerous game. When enough people give up emancipatory politics and accept fooling around, the political space for neo-fascism expands.
Reclaiming that space requires serious, authentic action. Despite all my disagreements with French President Emmanuel Macron, I think he was right to react to the victory of the French far-right by dissolving the national assembly and calling new parliamentary elections. His risky move surprised everyone. But it's a risk worth taking. Even if Le Pen wins a majority to decide on the next prime minister, Macron as president will retain the ability to mobilize a new majority against the government. We must fight against the new fascism as strongly and quickly as possible.
(Project Syndicate; Peščanik.net; translation: M. Jovanović)
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