Ursula von der Leyen's tour, her fourth in the Western Balkans, was full of appealing symbolism, excessive praise and careful avoidance of unpleasant topics.
The fact that she went on the trip right at the beginning of her second term sends a message to the countries of the region that the issue of enlargement is back on the Brussels agenda, which is the result of Russia's aggression against Ukraine and the premature granting of candidate status to Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova in December.
Can the Western Balkans, squeezed out of the enlargement agenda in recent years, take advantage of a more favorable political environment for enlargement, which still has many opponents within the Union and which has been prolonged by the request of the French president that the EU first reform itself, and only then accept new members?
In Tirana, Skopje, Sarajevo, Belgrade, Pristina and Podgorica, Leyenova offered the Western Balkans Growth Plan to the hosts as a way of faster integration. The European Commission approved the reform agendas of five partners, except for Bosnia and Herzegovina due to incomplete documentation, which opens the way for payments from the fund worth six billion euros by the end of the year.
What was conspicuously absent was the insistence on strengthening democracy, the rule of law, independent institutions, media freedom or the fight against corruption.
There were many nice words that the region has been listening to for more than two decades, since the summit in Thessaloniki. She received the most praise, I would say rightly, at the first and last address of her tour: in Tirana and Podgorica.
She praised Albanian Prime Minister Edija Rama for his "great job" and "great successes" in the European integration process.
She told Montenegro that she had every reason to be "proud". She praised the government of Milojko Spajić in accordance with the assessment she gave last December when she said "new momentum with the new government".
Equally important, and indicative, is what Frau Ursula did not want to comment on. In Tirana, she refused to say anything about the opening of a migrant camp that could be the first of "refugee parking lots" in the region to protect the EU's external borders.
In Skopje, Prime Minister Hristijan Mickoski expected the EU to help unblock the European integration path of North Macedonia, to remove the obstacles set by Bulgaria, but there was no word on that. Only a request to amend the Constitution.
In Sarajevo, she avoided commenting on the words of President Denis Bećirović that Republika Srpska represents an open threat to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state of BiH. Everything came down to the already worn phrase that Bosnia and Herzegovina has a chance, but reforms are needed. He just needed to praise Milorad Dodik. Mrs. Von der Leyen had to be more specific in order to help the country where there is no possibility of any agreement, so the expected reforms stopped. There have been no concrete moves since March.
In Pristina, von der Leyen praised the strengthening of Kosovo's democracy and the rule of law, mildly recommending "further work on steps" so that EU member states agree to lift measures against Kosovo. She said that the Ohrid Agreement is crucial for Belgrade and Pristina - to benefit from the Growth Plan. Economy is again a priority. Euro as bait.
She made a rare decisive move in Belgrade when she refused a previously arranged meeting with the Serbian Prime Minister since he had spoken with the Russian Minister of Economy earlier that day. It was a clear message, but it is in the context of geostrategic politics, not reform agendas. Everything else during the conversation with the President of Serbia was reduced to panegyrics on his policy.
After the meeting with the President of France, the Chancellor of Germany, the Prime Ministers of Poland and Greece, Aleksandar Vučić registered another point from Ursula von der Leyen. The fact that he did not go to the BRICS summit in the Russian city of Kazan almost caused the enthusiasm of the president of the European Commission.
Von der Leyen knew how to qualify for a conversation with Vučić - unlike the new rapporteur of the European Parliament for Serbia, Tonino Picula, to whom the president said: "He will have to speak much nicer about Serbia, speak more respectfully about Serbia in order to fulfill the condition , to qualify to come to me".
Praise for the reforms in Serbia, as one of the "most advanced countries in the process of joining the EU", caused open indignation from the opposition. The President of the Freedom and Justice Party, Dragan Đilas, was very direct when he asked Leyenova in an open letter if she knew which country she was in, if she knew that by her behavior and support for the man who deals the strongest blows to the idea of a European Serbia, he humiliates everyone who believes in that idea ?
"Would you feel at least a little uncomfortable when you sing praises of the authorities in a country that is the European champion in corruption and crime? Have you asked your friend Aleksandar Vučić why he insults journalists, why he spied on the Russian opposition, why he has a joint committee with Russia to fight against color revolutions..."
"We want Serbia in Europe, for whose freedom we made enormous sacrifices, not because of you and European bureaucrats, but because of a better life for our citizens. We will achieve that, but obviously not with you, nor with a corrupt government..."
It is not the first time that European officials have heard such criticism for giving in to Vučić's authoritarianism, but if I had to summarize everything, then I would conclude that the EU is more interested in enlargement than it was, but that true democratization of the region is at the bottom of Brussels' list of priorities.
What else does Von der Leyen's statement in Pristina mean that "the great success of enlargement is not only political agreements and shared values, but also economic prosperity".
Is this a hint of a rather calculating approach in which the EU intends to achieve its own, above all, economic interests in the financial opposition to China and the blockade of Russia's political ambitions? There is more insistence on harmonizing foreign and security policies than on strengthening the values of liberal democracy, which is increasingly threatened within the Union as well.
According to Von der Leyen, the European Union has all the necessary "tools and instruments" to make the accession of the Western Balkans a reality. The impression is that the key tool is becoming money, not democracy. After stabilocracy comes the time of eurocracy. It is unlikely that anything will come of the expansion before the end of the mandate of this European Commission in 2030.
Bonus video:
