Author's text by the President of Montenegro for Euronews
It is encouraging that one of the seven key priorities of the new European Commission explicitly focuses on enlargement, creating a vision of not only a larger, but also a stronger Europe on the global stage.
From the perspective of candidate countries, we are encouraged by the new energy and momentum in Brussels and across the EU. This momentum has awakened a genuine desire for new member states, which I find inspiring. When I was elected President of Montenegro, I set an ambitious but achievable goal: for Montenegro, as a leader among candidate countries, to become the 28th member of the EU by 2028.
Montenegro is already a member of NATO, has been fully aligned with the EU's common foreign and security policy for the past ten years, uses the euro as its currency (albeit unilaterally) and, I would like to emphasize this, has a strong civil society and free, independent media. Of course, there are challenges and political turmoil, as in any other democratic pluralist society, but all of this is part of the democratization process, not a consequence of any failure.
Reforms in Montenegro have been strongly driven by the promise of EU membership and the legitimacy that political parties derive from that goal. In fact, most, if not all, political parties in Montenegro are publicly committed to European integration. While the sincerity of these commitments and whether they are merely declarative or substantive may be questioned, the fact that more than 80% of citizens support EU membership clearly demonstrates why the accession process is a key source of political legitimacy in Montenegrin politics.
However, the transformative power of EU integration is not unique to Montenegro – we have seen similar effects in other countries, such as Croatia (our only neighbor that is already an EU member), Slovenia, with which we once shared a common history, and many other countries in Central and Eastern Europe. During my career as an economist at the EBRD, I have had the opportunity to observe first-hand the transformative impact of the EU on these countries – a power that no other external factor can match.
If we consider what the enlargement process might look like, there are four main scenarios, each with long-term consequences for both the EU and the candidate countries:
Scenario 1. A candidate country fails to use the EU accession process for democratic or institutional progress, which is why the EU does not allow its membership. The result is a double loss – the EU is left with incomplete democracies on its borders, while the candidate country misses out on the benefits of membership, opening up space for forces working to de-democratize society. It goes without saying that this scenario is welcomed by the EU’s opponents, who could then fully exercise their influence.
Scenario 2. A candidate country uses the accession process productively – building institutions and improving democratic standards – but the EU still does not accept its membership. History shows that this scenario often leads to regression and the reversal of democratic achievements. Again, both sides lose in the long run. However, some countries may be better able to continue on a positive path and build a stable democracy based on the rule of law. Unfortunately, history teaches us otherwise.
Scenario 3. A candidate country does not show sufficient democratic progress, but the EU nevertheless admits it for geopolitical reasons. Some advocate this approach, regardless of the state of reforms. While at first glance it may seem to satisfy both the EU’s ambitions for enlargement and the ambitions of the candidate countries, especially in terms of greater sources of development finance, in reality, this model is not sustainable. In the long run, both the EU and the candidate country suffer the consequences, as fundamental values such as the rule of law and good governance are marginalized. Moreover, this scenario could also benefit the EU’s opponents, providing them with an opportunity to increase their influence within the Union.
Scenario 4. Both sides fulfill their part of the obligations. The candidate country uses the accession process to make real democratic progress and build strong institutions, while at the same time depoliticizing public administration, enabling a free media environment and focusing on sustainable economic development, after which it is admitted to the EU. This is the ideal outcome – one that ensures shared growth, resilience and stability. I believe that this is the scenario we should all strive for, because it is the vision of Montenegro we want.
We must use the EU accession process at this time as a powerful driver to implement reforms and strengthen democracy, in order to join the Union as a fully prepared and committed member.
For this reason, enlargement must not be just a question of financial benefits, as there are countless ways to attract investment globally with fewer conditions. What we value most about the EU is the system of values it fosters. Our goal is to build a society based on the rule of law, good governance and equal opportunities for all citizens. These are the values that make EU membership a goal worth achieving.
As President of Montenegro, I am committed to leading my country through this crucial phase of its European journey. I believe that both the EU and the candidate countries must work together to achieve a win-win scenario – one that not only strengthens the Union, but also ensures that the candidates become responsible and democratic members of the European family.
I am deeply convinced that Montenegro's EU membership would be a political milestone that goes beyond national boundaries – it would be proof that the enlargement process is still alive, that reforms are bringing results and that a new political culture is bringing change. This would make us a success story and an inspiration for all other candidate countries, but only if we are all sincerely committed to the reform process that lies ahead.
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