Here's some entertainment. The President of Serbia is getting ready to write a book about how he defeated the colored revolution. By Vidovdan, a world bestseller, he says. Why not? Fantasy is popular as a form of speculative fiction, it moves in a fictional world and is free from the usual restrictions. That genre suits him very well. In the book, he can fight with an imaginary enemy to his heart's content and "put him together like a Panta Pie", which is what he often fantasizes about. However, two years ago he announced that he was writing two books because, as he said at the time, he is not literary gifted but he is factually rich. Whether he has not yet managed to find a publisher for these masterpieces or is preparing a collection of works is anyone's guess. However, in the meantime, the interested audience will not be left without something. Until he translates his vivid imagination into small print, the President, as an oral storyteller, will, while touring Serbia, shower us with fantasies about his heroic exploits in the fight against enemies, both external and internal.
And that's where the cynicism ends. Because reality begins and the dangerous game of the regime begins, which has been mobilizing all its resources for three months to find a sufficiently nasty topic with which to sway the rebellious university and citizens. Students, rectors' colleges, political parties, ProGlas, the Inquiry Commission, Ješić and Gruhonjić, Tonino Picula, Ustashas, Western services... all have been dragged through the mud of intrigue and lies in an attempt to find a seed from which a sufficiently incendiary topic could sprout, suitable for building a new homogenization around the leader. And at the same time, to compromise the protests and dissuade students and citizens from taking to the streets en masse. And already in over 260 places in Serbia, the fulfillment of students' demands, i.e. the rule of law that was hijacked and captured by the political elite, is being demanded en masse.
The government cannot forgive Novi Sad for the spectacular image of tens of thousands of citizens on the streets, nor the table along the Vojvodina plain.
And then the evil machinery came up with the idea of spin on the secession of Vojvodina as retaliation for the rebellion that broke out in Novi Sad. As revenge for the fact that that city is a symbolic center of resistance and a reminder of the regime's unclean conscience, embodied by the fall of the canopy. And this is Novi Sad, which they believed to be politically pacified, to be the strongest stronghold of the government, a safe house for the SNS for all affairs controlled from the president's closest circle. They cannot forgive him for that spectacular image of tens of thousands of citizens on the streets, nor the table they spread out along the Vojvodina plain, nor the tears on the bridge when Belgrade students walked to their Novi Sad colleagues and hugged each other. Because that image softened the entire region and opened hearts.
How can the president not be punished for being reluctant to take a walk in Novi Sad and presenting it as a feat that never happened? How can he hide his anger that the state had to cancel the ceremony and all the activities traditionally held in Kragujevac on Sretenje, because there is obviously no room for them there. The president rushed to announce a rally on Sretenje in Novi Sad, so he bit his tongue and said "we will hold a rally, I can't say big but not small, on the territory of Vojvodina, whether it will be Novi Sad or some other place, we will see and make a special declaration on Vojvodina in Serbia, a political declaration, which has nothing to do with any protests, nothing to do with it". The truth is, the declaration on Vojvodina has nothing to do with anything except preserving power. That's why he has to roar: "Vojvodina is Serbia. Forever. And there is no giving in or backing down", because another symbolism really bothers him. Let's meet on Sretenje. The marathon runners from the University of Kragujevac presented an invitation to students and citizens of Serbia to meet on the day when the First Serbian Uprising began and when a constitution marked the desire for a democratic society and state.
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