Just as a military leader orders an assault on a tired and demoralized army in a battle he fears he is losing, Aleksandar Vučić shouts that he has won the color revolution and that the protests are over. But his words have fallen on deaf ears and have not given strength to his weakened followers. They have not mobilized new support or strengthened the belief that everything will soon return to normal, as if the accident of November 1st had never happened. The president of the country knows full well that the political depression has shifted to his side, that apathy is now spreading among his supporters, and that the public support book has dropped to two or three letters. It is becoming increasingly difficult for him to find those who will fervently defend their government. Moreover, many are already preparing or are slowly abandoning the ship that seems to be sinking.
The latest research by Crta notes that 80 percent of Serbian citizens support most of the students' demands, and a third of the population says they have participated in the current protests. The student uprising is supported by 64 percent of citizens, and the largest increase in support is recorded among those who otherwise support the ruling parties. Today, every fifth citizen who is closer to the ruling party supports the protests. This change is not difficult to notice. After all, neither is the fact that the protest participant enjoys the feeling of establishing a new political profile, completely different from the one shaped by the ruling party. Today's protests, among other things, connect the broken threads between people and nations, between religions and among all other differences. And they are very reminiscent of Gandhi's method of spiritual breakdown of repression, of his great two hundred-mile march, with which in 1930, together with his followers, he opposed the British government's monopoly on salt production and uplifted the entire nation.
Aleksandar Vučić certainly sees this change. And it is precisely his media hyperactivity and nervousness that show that he is no longer dictating the pace, but the students and the rebel citizens. Now his government is on the defensive. He is taking steps in response to the growing dissatisfaction and is trying in every way to encourage the distancing of the student protest from other parts of the political community, seeking a chance for himself in their phrase "we are not overthrowing the government, we are changing the system". While the students on foot are spreading the word about the importance of the rule of law, responsibility and freedom throughout Serbia, and in local communities, citizens are dealing with party scoundrels, the regime is making arrests in an attempt to consolidate itself by simulating a determined fight against corruption. But for 13 years of silence from the prosecution, spectacular arrests, which leave an impression but do not endanger the key figures in the corrupt octopus, cannot be a satisfaction. That is why these arrests are not producing the effect for which the files were pulled out of dusty drawers. It is true, however, that the water is rising. That's why there will probably be more victims in the coming days, perhaps even more famous names than the former mayor of Niš, who was even filmed in handcuffs to calm the anger in that city before a big protest. But justice is still very far from brothers, godfathers and protected friends.
This government owes a lot to the citizens of Serbia. First of all, an honest prosecution service and a rule of law. And that is why more and more citizens support the students' demands. The research by Crta notes that instead of anger, fear and concern, hope and optimism now prevail among citizens. What Zoran Đinđić spoke about is happening - citizens do not fight for change when they have nothing to lose, but when they have something to gain. Students gave them that hope. But everyone else must also fulfill it with content.
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