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Populists against bureaucracy

For populists – who build their political careers on bombastic promises and dubious claims of quick “wins” – bureaucracy is an easy target. But good governance requires discipline, not spectacle.

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Photo: REUTERS
Photo: REUTERS
Disclaimer: The translations are mostly done through AI translator and might not be 100% accurate.

Populists love to hate bureaucracy. Alice Weidel, leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) – now the country’s second-largest party – argues that the European Union’s incompetent bureaucrats are destroying the foundations of the free market within the bloc. Santiago Abascal, leader of Spain’s far-right Vox party, accuses the same bureaucrats of trying to “liquidate freedom,” while Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni calls the EU an “invasive bureaucratic giant.” On the other side of the Atlantic, US President Donald Trump is dismantling the federal bureaucracy, which he claims is full of “waste, fraud and abuse” and “stifles personal freedoms.” In their view, bureaucracy is the enemy of progress.

Populists are wrong. As I argued at the recent Delphi Economic Forum, bureaucracy is not a sclerotic force doomed to stifle innovation and freedom, but rather creates the basis for both. From drafting laws and issuing permits, to preparing communications, to coordinating crisis responses, bureaucrats perform the everyday tasks that make society function. Without them, economies would grind to a halt, the rule of law would crumble, and political visions would never be realized.

Bureaucracy is, at its core, an act of rationality. As US President Woodrow Wilson pointed out, administration requires expertise – which is inherently neutral, not ideological – and therefore exists outside the tumultuous sphere of politics. For Max Weber, the intellectual giant of administrative theory, obedience to the impersonal, rule-based order that bureaucracy represents – rather than to charismatic individuals or entrenched traditions – is a sign of a society’s maturity.

But maturity requires patience, and populists are notoriously lacking in it. It took the EU institutions more than 260 days to go from proposal to adoption of the Recovery and Resilience Instrument – ​​a lifeline for EU member states during the Covid-19 pandemic. The Artificial Intelligence Act took 1.199 days to develop, while the Asylum Procedures Regulation took almost 8 years. While these deadlines could undoubtedly be shortened, crafting policies that balance the interests of 27 countries is inevitably a complex process that requires careful consideration.

In any case, the main source of delays is not EU bureaucrats, but national member governments in the European Council and elected politicians in the European Parliament. But this means nothing to populists. They paint pictures of sluggish giants, like those depicted in the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi. Just as the gods of Olympus – with the help of the mortal Heracles – had to defeat those greedy giants, so today’s populist “gods” believe they must overcome the monstrous bureaucracy that, according to their narrative, tends to dominate every aspect of life.

This vision drives the work of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), created by Trump and headed by one of the richest men in the world, Elon Musk. But instead of destroying a dangerous enemy, DOGE is destroying America’s ability to confront the giants that truly threaten it—from climate change to technological disruption. These giants can only be defeated through disciplined, long-term coordination—and that’s exactly what bureaucracy excels at.

Ironically, there is no better argument for the value of thoughtful governance by experienced bureaucrats than the reckless erosion of the capacity of the American state by DOGE. This includes the destruction of key agencies, such as the United States Agency for International Development, and the elimination of programs ranging from life-saving medical research to projects supporting disabled teenagers.

While DOGE’s approach has satisfied a populist hunger for boldness in the debate, it has also required a series of quick turnarounds, including halting the firing of hundreds of federal employees working on U.S. nuclear weapons programs. Not to mention growing privacy and security concerns — DOGE staff have access to sensitive databases with almost no oversight.

Musk may have made most of his fortune in a sector known for “moving fast and breaking barriers,” but the government is not a technology company. As many observers, including seasoned Republican budget experts, have warned, DOGE’s cuts—driven by ideology and self-interest rather than pragmatism and the common good—are jeopardizing the public interest. The same goes for Trump’s reintroduction of Schedule F, which makes it easier to fire government employees. This could lead to a politicization of the federal government, rewarding loyalty over merit, and weakening its ability to serve as a key source of continuity between administrations.

The appeal of political boldness is undeniable. When Trump issues ultimatums—to universities, trading partners, NATO allies, and others—he projects strength. When Meloni balances foreign policy—at once courting Trump and advocating Western unity—she exudes pragmatism. When France’s far-right leader Marine Le Pen defies EU financial investigations—much to Trump’s delight—she appears fearless. Such moves “electrify” supporters, replacing feelings of helplessness and stagnation with the thrill of audacity, the exhilaration of disruption, and the promise of power.

But good governance requires discipline, not spectacle. The European Competitiveness Compass, a strategic framework aimed at boosting growth and innovation without sacrificing environmental goals, is a good example of this. There is only one way to chart a credible path forward that takes into account a multitude of complex and conflicting objectives – and it is based on bureaucratic expertise, not chainsaws.

Of course, this does not mean that bureaucracies are above criticism. The slow pace of lawmaking in the EU and the labyrinthine administrative system in America deserve serious scrutiny. But the solution is not demolition, but reform. Simplifying regulations, as the EU’s omnibus packages seek to do, can improve agility. Measures that guarantee merit-based hiring and protect civil servants from political purges would benefit American efforts to improve governance.

Defending bureaucracy does not mean fetishizing administrative procedures, but rather recognizing the vital role it plays in the functioning of our societies. In the fight against the “giant” challenges we face, bureaucracy is a Heracles – an imperfect but skilled ally that makes victory possible. To blame bureaucracy is to replace the servant with the master, thereby jeopardizing the very future we are trying to reclaim.

The author is a visiting professor at Georgetown University; she was Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain and Senior Vice President and Chief Advisor of the World Bank Group

Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2025. (translation: NR)

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