In times of great geopolitical changes and accelerated integration processes, the Serbian people in Montenegro are faced with a task that transcends daily politics, daily disputes, and short-term emotions.
The expectations of the Serbian people that existed after the regime change in 2020 definitely did not find a hearing and consensus among all actors of the new government, this is what the numbers say, this is what statistics say, this is what the various anti-Serbian narratives that we hear every day say.
In other words, we as Serbs are no longer politically "homeless" in institutions, but we have, figuratively, been given a one-room apartment for a huge family, so we don't know if it is better to return the keys to the institutions because, honestly speaking, their framework is narrow for the scope and collective socio-political role of Serbs in Montenegro?
It is time to put this on the table without delay, in parallel with all important issues, and to get what is needed for our national framework, and let's not lie to ourselves: we can only get this as part of an active process, within the government, and not as the opposition, as critics, outside the place of decision-making and constructive action.
I understand the dissatisfaction with the status of Serbs in Montenegro, but it must also be said with a clear conscience and convincingly that behind that dissatisfaction there is another, or even several, papers that need to be read.
This is precisely the reason for showing and demonstrating maturity.
Maturity in understanding large and small processes and maturity in finding a secure, solid and active collective place in these processes. Maturity in understanding one's own interests, maturity in relation to the state and maturity in participating in international processes that will determine the future of all citizens of Montenegro, including our people as a de facto constitutive, historical and state-building nation.
The status of the Serbian people in Montenegro is not simple, nor has it historically ever been devoid of challenges, but it is, as always, closely connected to the very identity of Montenegro, as well as to the interests that permeate all of us. However, precisely because of this, especially because of this, we have an additional obligation today: to answer these questions not impulsively, but wisely. Not exclusively, but statesmanlike. Not by withdrawing, but by responsible participation.
The European Union, as the political framework to which Montenegro mostly aspires, must not be seen as a magical solution to all problems, nor as a threat to our identity. It is reality. And serious politics deals with reality, not illusions.
The Serbian people in Montenegro do not have the luxury of being an observer of their own destiny. Historically, we have been that for too long and too expensively. Our interest is not in isolation, but in actively shaping the processes that are underway.
It is now strategically important that Serbs be represented in government institutions, especially in the Government of Montenegro.
Not for the sake of functions, not for the sake of "armchairs", as it is sometimes said populist, banal and superficially, but for the sake of securing important and active positions in the processes on which our national future depends. It is indescribably important that the Serbian voice be heard in the most important state decisions, as a constructive, organic and systemic voice, as a voice on which the foundations of politics depend, and not as a voice of distortion, inhibition and unpredictability. That the rights of the Serbian people are not left to the good will of others. That key unresolved issues - from language, citizenship, culture and identity, to full equality in practice - are resolved patiently and wisely, but at the same time decisively.
A wise national policy knows when to be firm, but also when to be at the table where decisions are made. The Serbian people in Montenegro must show today that they are politically equal to the times in which they live. A time of compromise, but not of renunciation. A time of dialogue, but not of forgetting. A time of European integration, but not of losing their own values, at any cost.
At the same time, the Serbian issue in Montenegro is inextricably linked to the stability of the state itself. A state in which a significant part of its citizens feels neglected or politically invisible cannot be stable or successful. Advocating for the rights of the Serbian people is not opposed to the interests of Montenegro. On the contrary, it is an integral part of them, even central, from the aspect of social stability and long-term well-being. Only a Montenegro in which all peoples are equal, respected and politically effectively recognized can be a functional European state.
That is why today, more than ever, a phase of Serbian national politics in Montenegro is needed: a phase of wisdom, rationality and long-term, systemic reflection. A politics that will preserve identity, but also build bridges over which we will not only cross, but also enjoy co-ownership of that social infrastructure. Which knows how to defend principles, but also understands the international context in which great movements, turning points and changes between global political eras take place. We need a consensus on methods that do not cause stress and conflicts, but do not retreat in the face of injustice and effectively achieve national goals. Such a politics is not a Serbian weakness, but the strength of successfully passing the historical test.
Being part of the government at this moment is not a question of prestige, but a question of responsibility. The Serbian people in Montenegro should protect their rights where decisions are made, and not from the margins of political life where we have been for too long. The institutions of government are not perfect, but they are a place where one can systematically influence legislation, personnel policy and long-term development strategies. The absence of Serbs from the government would not weaken the processes that we do not consider good, but would only weaken the position of the Serbian people, leaving key issues without our voice and influence.
The power of criticism that the opposition has is a far weaker weapon than mature proposals and systemic actions that we can implement as a government. Even when the implementation of these actions is not 100%, it is incomparably more effective and efficient in the long term than any form of criticism and disagreement that would be expressed by the opposition and outside the institutions of the system. Participation in government allows national interests to be articulated as part of state policy, and not as a permanent subject of political dispute. This is the difference between politics that lasts and politics that lives in short cycles. This is a way to make time work for us. The Serbian people in Montenegro need a policy of continuity, not a policy of withdrawal.
Podgorica, Belgrade and Banja Luka have clearly defined membership in the European Union as a strategic foreign policy goal. This fact speaks for itself: European integration is not a project to divide the Serbian people, but a framework within which stability, economic development and the rights of all communities can be improved. The European Union does not seek the renunciation of identity, but functional institutions and the rule of law.
That is why the role of Serbian representatives in the Montenegrin government is even more important: to be a bridge between the state interests of Montenegro, the legitimate interests of the Serbian people and the wider regional context. Such a role requires wisdom, moderation and self-confidence, but this is precisely the policy that brings results in the long term. The Serbian people do not gain strength by withdrawing, but by taking responsibility for themselves and for the country in which we live.
We are facing years in which decisions of lasting importance will be made. In those years, the Serbian people in Montenegro need harmony and unity, but above all a mature awareness that national interests are best protected by responsible participation in building a future that is certainly not gentle and without danger, but it is not our enemy either. It is a future that demands from us our own responsibility for what will happen to us, and we should do everything together so that what will happen to us is good, not evil.
It is not the easiest path, but it is a serious one. The path of statesmanship, founded on our own values, open to Europe and the world, and firmly tied to the interests of the Serbian people and all citizens of Montenegro.
The author is an advisor for EU and international relations to the president of New Serbian Democracy, Andrija Mandić.
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