About intelligence and character

When thinking about the domestic political scene, I often find myself between two extremes. From Badiou's thought, which I have quoted publicly several times: "Politics does not belong to the order of power, but to the order of thought. Its goal is not transformation but the creation of possibilities that were previously impossible to formulate. It is not derived from situations, but must prescribe those situations." Politicians capable of prescribing or creating positive outcomes still need to be chosen by someone, so we come to the other extreme of thinking, which starts from the so-called ordinary citizen as the source of "structural" problems. Here I have a dilemma regarding the definition of citizenship, since it implies rights and obligations. It would be more precise to say a resident of Montenegro. In order to avoid the aforementioned dilemma, I will call him "Mr. Ordinary". Namely, in Montenegro, citizens are divided into "ordinary" and those above others, bearers of power that stems from politics or capital. Truth be told, there are also those who are lonely like a tree on a cliff, while defying the social elements.

The "ordinary" gentleman first of all votes and respects leaders who are ready to "create" in an instant, magical and questionable way. This is how the unified DPS of the 90s will vote, because it creates money from nothing, (the consequence of this is narcotics in schools) or because of fiscal reforms and nominally higher salaries, he will vote for the current government, without caring about the deficit and public debt. For him, these are abstract categories. The "ordinary" gentleman views politicians biblically, as fallen beings. Man is sinful, everyone would steal if given the opportunity. I honestly wonder if this belief was imposed by the previous government, or is it an expression of historical dialectics? Anyway, this logic has been accepted, so every government behaves according to the "law" of bashibozuk, robbery after a battle, that is, after the formation of government. The biggest treat for the "ordinary" gentleman is exclusivity, a promise that he or someone from the family will be employed, some privilege that deprives others of, or a little money through political "activism". I say small money, big money burdens the mind. Our "ordinary" does not value intelligence on the political stage, he believes that there is no one smarter than himself. Famous people are boring, that's why you should vote for showmen and exhibitionists. If the previous government was an expression of character, the new government is an expression of the wisdom of popular opinion. Dear reader, if you think that I am too strict, maybe you are right, because when you make a man a pauper, which the local politicians - the Orjats did a long time ago, then it is easy to bring out the worst in him.

I belong to a generation that had the misfortune of having its state fall apart during the period of coming of age. In 1991, the great, internationally renowned, economically growing SFRY disappeared. When your state falls apart at such a sensitive moment of growing up, it is as if you lose the right to belong. Many years later, I will realize that in 1991, I actually became a stateless person, a person without a state, not in a formal legal sense, but in a value-based, essential sense. Today's Montenegro is far from the one from 1989. The feeling of security and social cohesion has disappeared. In place of the former giants with accumulated knowledge and capital, such as "Obod", "Dakić", "Monteks" and others, organized crime has been installed in an economic and ethical sense. The new "economic base" also dictates the superstructure, that is, the political system. That is why the generation I belong to was skipped by the distribution of power in 2020, as columnist Brano Mandić lucidly noted. The power fell to the generation shaped by politicians: Slobodan Milošević, Momir Bulatović, Amfilohije Radović, as well as Milo Đukanović. Montenegro has been swinging between two evils for decades, Greater Serbian nationalism and organized crime. We should not forget that the chick of organized crime hatched from the Greater Serbian project in "the most beautiful prison in the world", as the then President Momir Bulatović called Montenegro under international sanctions. You will never hear that the new generation of politicians, raised in a family home under the image of Slobodan Milošević, affirm the role and importance of the anti-war policy of the Liberal Alliance of Montenegro. Simply put, they do not share values ​​such as: civil society, secularism, the rule of law, or even belonging to Montenegro. Most politicians of the new government have "reserve citizenship".

Montenegro seems to have no internal strength for further progress. Knowledgeable people are on the margins. Still, I hold out hope for European integration. Montenegro grew culturally and economically in the context of the great SFRY. I believe that the same will happen in the EU. True, young people will leave en masse for the countries of the Union. They will probably return, bringing with them a culture of respect for the law and sustainable creation of new value. Perhaps some Laura Kovesi will "clean up" the domestic political elites that are financed from criminal sources, as well as from centers of power outside Montenegro. This EU is not the Europe of Francois Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl, so it can accept Montenegro and a few other Balkan states. In predatory multipolarism, it is better to be with countries that inherit civilizational values.

I call on the President of the State, Mr. Jakov Milatović, to present Slavko Perović, the former leader of the Liberal Alliance of Montenegro, with the highest state decoration on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of independence. This should also be a decoration for all people who advocated for peace, law and dignity of Montenegro. In addition to the liberals, in those 90s, the parties that made up the coalition of Reform Forces, under the name of the last Prime Minister of the SFRY, Ante Marković, also stood on the side of freedom. With sentiment and respect, I mention those who advocated for the promotion of European values ​​even before the formation of the EU (1993), while blood and hatred flowed in the territories of the former Yugoslavia.