Njegoš's literary work occupies a central place in the Montenegrin and wider South Slavic factory for the production of myths. Myths were often a prelude to wars and an occasion for wars, and less often they were read as literature and as poetic efforts to anchor one's own identities. The same is the case with the readings of Njegoš's poetry throughout the centuries: these were mostly (and remain) political readings.
He is quoted in moments of nationalistic exaltation, he is appropriated and challenged, he is called a secret seer, he is criticized, and everyone refers to him at the appropriate moment. Njegoš's literary work served (and continues to serve) to promote diverse political discourses - multicultural, unifying, nationalist - and was built into the foundations of the cult of sacrifice in our region. Every elite tried to get some benefit from him.
Contemporary elites (political and religious) are no exception in this regard, regardless of party affiliation.
For the ruling DPS, Njegoš's poetry has significant utility value. The celebration of the bishop's verses confirms the "Montenegrin" character of the DPS rulers, and wraps their decade-long sale of Montenegro in an impenetrable silk shield: a state symbol with a crusader flag. At the same time, opposition to initiatives that seek to formalize Njegoš's contribution to the culture of our area is used by DPS to illustrate the "anti-state character" of political entities that oppose the aforementioned initiatives. Being in a coalition with such parties shows (both at home and away) the extent to which DPS is ready to "sacrifice for the betterment of the country!"
Many opposition structures interpret this poetry as an expression of unadulterated Serbianness and the crowning proof that Montenegro was indeed a military camp of the "best Serbs" for centuries. Since a significant part of the opposition elite lives within the narrow framework of Serbian nationalism, according to them, Njegoš's literary stamp confirms the Serbian character of Montenegro. As we know, this kind of interpretation also has a significant resonance in part of the electorate.
The proclamation of Njegoš as a saint was an act of supreme politicization of this poet. By creating a new trinity of Bishop-Poet-Saint, the current Montenegrin-Limitarian, Zet and Skenderian commissar under the Kamilavka and warmonger from the 1990s tried to define Montenegro as an Orthodox state, and impose himself and the Church he commands as the central anchor of the otherwise multi-layered secular, spiritual and cultural identities in Montenegro.
The so-called civil opposition, which has been flirting with Montenegrin nationalism for a long time, is using Njegoš and the current issue of celebrating holidays under his name to condemn DPS for lack of courage and patriotism. While trying with all its might to score political points on Njegoš's poems, this opposition criticizes DPS with full mouth for politicizing the great poet! Political elites who claim (or believe) that they represent citizens of the Islamic faith see Njegoš as a poet of genocide. Their political reading of the poetry fails to recognize the fact that the central theme of Mountain Garland is not based on a historical event. They also do not see the truth in the fact that it was Njegoš - a romantic poet from the 19th century - who wrote some of the most beautiful verses in our area about Islam and Istanbul. On the contrary, their attitude towards Njegoš's work is defined by the events of the 1990s and the crimes committed against Muslims in the former SFRY. Truth be told, fiddling was also done in Dubrovnik, Vukovar, and Srebrenica. As shown by Ivo Zanić in the book Fraudulent History, the wars and crimes that followed the disintegration of the SFRY were, almost without exception, justified by passages from epic poetry and modern literature.
Although these crimes are not the fault of the poet, but an illustration of the madness of the killers, we must recognize the legitimacy of the odium that the victims show towards the poet. For many residents of the former Yugoslavia who were victims of crimes, Njegoš's verses are not poetry but the reality of blood, pain, loss of loved ones, persecution and suffering to which they were subjected by epic-inspired bandits and murderers who wrapped themselves in national flags. It should be remembered that DPS is one of the political organizations that, among other things, inherits the war-incitement tradition of the 1990s.
The ongoing discussion about the cultural holiday under Njegoš's name confirms that, despite the assurances of officials, Montenegro has not moved an inch outside the proverbial tribal ghetto and from the session where the collective destiny was determined.
It has been confirmed that it is not possible to defend Njegoš from manipulators when the state is not ready to honestly face the contemporary perceptions of his literary work, and move the dialogue from the daily-political to the cultural framework. This displacement would make sense only after two important (and) steps are taken. The first is the historicization of Njegoš's poetry and its demarcation with references from the time when it was created. The second is the clear drawing of a dividing line between 19th century poetry and its late 20th century abuse. I am afraid that, despite the minister's expression of readiness for (political) dialogue, there is neither the will nor the strength in Montenegro to take these two (and) steps outside the magic circle of national myths.
University of Alberta, Canada
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