MP Darko Dragović decided to play the victim.
Instead of answering clear and specific questions, the official of the ruling party spoke out only after the text was published and accused Vijesti of some kind of chase and drawing a target, despite the fact that he has been promising answers on the topic of apartments since the beginning of June.
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This is an absolute falsehood and a distraction from the real problems.
After numerous telephone conversations and his constant announcements that he would answer all questions and submit documentation regarding this issue, and we first discussed this on June 13, on October 9 I sent the questions directly to Dragović's official email.
If I wanted to be malicious, I could say that it is indicative that MP Dragović terminated the contract with ML just two days later, as he claims. Maybe it's not a coincidence?
After transferring these properties to his name, did he take the keys to the apartments and go see what he bought? Did he then, perhaps, see that there was a sign on the terrace with the inscription 'Vukotić Apartments'? Did he know that these apartments will be released in 2018, 2019 and 2020? Did he know who lives in the properties registered in his name and who collects the income from the rent? Also, it might be useful for him to explain to the public, not the News, who is using those apartments now"...
Keeping silent about the essence of the text, he defends himself against accusations that are not in the article. No one wrote that MP Dragović was involved in criminal activities, nor that he made a deal with the late leader of the Skaljar clan, Jovan Vukotić.
Instead of inventing accusations, he could finally answer the questions, and instead of replacing theses and insulting the intelligence of our readers, who will assess whether it is likely that someone will transfer two apartments (one in Budva and the other in Kotor) and a garage to another person without any payments, perhaps it would be wiser for MP Dragović to explain the following to the public:
How many times, since 2018, since his councilor mandate in Danilovgrad was verified, has he reported his property and income to the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption?
2020.
in 2010, the apartments on the coast were searched several times in the investigation against the now deceased Jovan Vukotić. At that time, they were already registered in the name of MP Dragović. And today they are - both
In his response, he stated that he was late due to "negligence", but in the official data of the Agency there are no reports from him for the years 2018, 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023. Deputy Dragović would have to know that this is not negligence, but an obvious continuous violation of the obligation prescribed by law.
The MP claims that he planned to "trade" a 3.200-square-meter plot in the industrial zone of Danilovgrad for apartments in Kotor and Budva, that the deal was worth around 2018 euros in 120.000, and that this amount of debt was recorded in the property register, which, he claims, submitted. To date, there is no report on the ASK website.
Although he mentions the figure of 120.000 euros, in the records of "indebtedness" for two apartments and a garage, the total sum is 110.000 euros. However, regardless of the mistake of 10.000 euros, MP Dragović, like everyone in Montenegro, knows that six years ago it was not possible to buy a 50-square-meter apartment in Kotor, plus a 20-square-meter garage, and a 57-square-meter apartment in Budva for that much money.
However, if we ignore the fairy tale about the promised "trade" of land in Bjelopavlići or the money from its sale for apartments on the Montenegrin coast (why didn't the "seller" of the apartments immediately transfer that plot to himself, it's simpler, right?), it would be good if the deputy answer the public whether, as a conscientious buyer, as he calls himself, he ever came into possession of apartments in Budva and Kotor?
After transferring these properties to his name, did he take the keys to the apartments and go see what he bought?
Was he then, perhaps, aware that those apartments on the rental platform were rented out under the name "Vukotić Apartments" during 2018, 2019 and 2020?
Did he know who lives in the properties registered in his name and who collects the rent income?
Also, maybe it would be useful to explain to the public, not the News, who is using those apartments now? Who lives in them and most importantly, why were these apartments searched several times during the year 2020 in the investigation against Vukotić?
At that time, they were already registered in the name of MP Dragović. And today they are - both.
In a legal sense, the fact that MP Dragović does not consider them his own means absolutely nothing. But I trust him for that part, because both he and I, and ML, know whose apartments they actually belong to - Vukotić's. The investigators who searched them certainly know that, because the searches did not happen randomly.
I believe that Darko Dragović, considering that he is a lawyer, immediately in December 2018, after the financial investigation against ML was initiated and a prohibition against alienation was registered for the apartment in Kotor, concluded and certified a written "agreement" on the termination of the contract with ML, so I invite him to make it public, together with the purchase agreement, in which, as he claims, it is defined that ML will pay the price or transfer the ownership right to the land. If he is right, he has nothing to hide, and the public will be able to see if he really took over the apartments without a cent.
If he does not do this, sooner or later the public will see this as well, because I believe that the competent state authorities will examine all contracts and agreements in order to determine whether deputy Dragović is a conscientious buyer or if he only served as a cover for the real estate to end up in their hands those for whom Vukotić intended them.
A blatant lie is the excuse of MP Dragović that Vijesti wrote that he was arranging something with Vukotić. It says that ML transferred the real estate to Vukotić because of the debt his brother had towards the clan leader. Today it is easy for Dragović to dispute this, because Vukotić is not among the living and cannot testify about the "business" or how the debt and the giving of apartments for him came about, but let him not be sure that there was no discussion of this in Skaj, which is the deputy mentioned in his response.
His ignoring of questions on the subject from June to October 23 speaks volumes about his attitude towards the public and the position he holds.
Jelena Jovanovic
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