Reconstruction of the real past of Montenegro

The book by two authors, Šerbo Rastoder and Novak Adžić, is a reconstruction of the real past of Montenegro, which shows all its complexity, but also its strategic importance in Greater Serbia politics.

The first part of the book refers to Montenegro in the second Yugoslavia and its progress in the early 60s and 70s, which clearly shows how the solidarity of the Yugoslav community contributed to the development of underdeveloped regions, including Montenegro. In a relatively short period of time, Yugoslavia, mobilizing all internal potentials, raised the country to the level of a medium-developed country.

The authors extensively illustrate Montenegrin's breakthrough from backwardness and poverty (as it was between the two world wars) and document it extensively through statistical data. The authors point out "visible shifts in economic development, achieved standards and modernization processes in the entire period after 1945" and that these shifts were recognized "through the optimism and pride of the majority of the population".

The second part of the book refers to the transition, which was obviously unquestionable given the wear and tear of the socialist model and the dominance of one party. However, already in the XNUMXs, significant changes in terms of the pluralization of society were noticeable.

In the XNUMXs, there were ongoing discussions about the reorganization of Yugoslavia, as well as processes that sought political solutions that were missing. The Yugoslav political elite showed an inability to recognize the spirit of the times and maintained the status quo by inertia. Two concepts emerge: Serbian - centralization of the federation - and Slovenian - association of sovereign states.

Serbia responds to these processes with a well-designed strategy that began in the 1974s, especially since the adoption of the constitution in XNUMX. Since then, preparations for Tito's succession have been ongoing.

In this sense, a series of steps were taken that took shape in a single program, especially after the disclosure of the SANU Memorandum in 1986. Milošević, using the atmosphere that called for change, began to aggressively conquer all institutions in Serbia and two provinces, and then in Montenegro, with intending to continue with Slovenia and Croatia. There he encountered resistance, which he resolved with war policy.

The authors describe in great detail the atmosphere in Montenegro and the apprehension of the Montenegrin elite (not only Montenegrin) in opposing the Serbian aggression, because at the beginning the majority saw it as a response to the country's stagnation. The aggression on Montenegro started with the "event of the people" behind which the goals of Greater Serbia were essentially hidden.

Older and more experienced politicians warned against it, but the determination to make changes prevailed, without really thinking about what they actually mean. The young politicians who took the helm of Montenegro quickly found themselves under the paw of Belgrade. Doubts that the sovereignty of Montenegro was threatened quickly appeared, especially after the adoption of the constitution of the FRY in 1992.

The massiveness of the rally, as the authors point out, showed a high level of citizens' dissatisfaction with the socio-economic and political situation in the country. But the pro-Chetnik historical heritage of Montenegro was also awakened, which played into the hands of Belgrade.

Solidarity with Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo was used to restore the "Kosovo myth", which is essentially the negation of Montenegrin identity. This simultaneously led to the homogenization of all ethnic groups. The "Event of the People" led to the dismissal of, as estimated, around 500 people, and in their place new people were appointed according to the Serbian regime.

Vidoje Žarković very succinctly explained the inertness of Montenegrins at the time when the Yugoslav idea was turning into Greater Serbia: "During the anti-bureaucratic revolution, mass media, Belgrade and Montenegrin, had a disastrous influence. They were and remain at the service of Great Serbian ideas.

I think that now in Montenegro, people are slowly sobering up and realizing what is what. However, the Serbian hegemonists will not let Montenegro go, if they can at all, for two reasons. The first is access to the sea, and the second has become a mental reason - the feeling that Montenegro is Serbian Sparta." This diagnosis has withstood the test of time, because even today the Montenegrin issue is treated as an "internal issue" of Serbia.

The Hague Conference (1991) under the auspices of the European Community was the last attempt to maintain the Yugoslav state framework that would respect the sovereignty of all republics. The Prime Minister of the Republic of Montenegro Milo Đukanović then claimed that Montenegro has the right to its own mind and that the Hague document is the basis for a political solution to the Yugoslav crisis. Đukanović subsequently confirmed this position in his interview with Free Europe in 1999.

Momir Bulatović, who represented Montenegro at the conference, also advocated this position. He signed the Hague document together with other republics, however, Serbia rejected that document. Having the JNA on her side, she believed that she had an advantage and that the future would be decided by the reality on the ground. On his way back from The Hague, Bulatović was detained in Belgrade for about 7 hours, after which he was forced to withdraw the Montenegrin signature. Montenegro was a necessary link in order to maintain the appearance that Serbia was committed to the survival of Yugoslavia. The constitution of the newly created community of the FRY (1992) clearly indicates that it is a Great Serbian constitution. Namely, it leaves the possibility for others (that is, Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) to join if they wish.

The new Yugoslav community (FRY) was not in the interest of Montenegro because it lost its equal position, independence and statehood, which was the root of future events and essentially led to its non-recognition and restoration of statehood (2006). Since it became part of the new FRY, Montenegro did not take advantage of the opportunity to request international recognition as an independent state, which the Badinter commission made available to all republics after declaring that Yugoslavia had disintegrated.

That the FRY had an exclusively Serbian meaning is also shown by the fact that SANA academician Dobrica Ćosić was elected as its first president. Even before the war, Ćosić warned at various forums (Budva) about the process of fragmentation of Montenegro, which is in line with his concept of a unitary Serbian state.

Preparing for the war against Croatia and later Bosnia, Serbia carried out a mobilization that was unsuccessful, which resulted in the involvement of paramilitary units that fought under the auspices of the JNA. The mobilization in Montenegro was carried out, as they pointed out, for the "defense of Montenegro". This divided the reservists because some wanted only to defend their republic, while others wanted to attack Zagreb as well.

Belgrade took a very active part in the involvement of Montenegro in the war against Croatia. He did this through the SDB of Serbia, JNA and KOS. In addition to mobilization, volunteer detachments and paramilitary formations were formed. In Serbia, the Serbian Radical Party had that task, and in Montenegro, the People's Party of Montenegro. It should be noted that there was also a very strong anti-war movement in Montenegro that opposed Belgrade's aggression and domination from the beginning. He was against the referendum on state-legal status that was conducted in March 1992.

Numerous activists, the media (Monitor), prominent individuals were involved in the resistance against the war in Croatia. They opposed the military mobilization and "Operation Dubrovnik". There are numerous written traces about it. The former Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Government of Montenegro Nikola J. Samardžić testified about this in The Hague (2004) where he said that "despite the hysterical propaganda and military dictatorship, there were a number of Montenegrins who opposed the shameful aggression against Dubrovnik".

The book "Modern History of Montenegro from 1988 to 2017" is an important insight into the events when Montenegro was exposed to brutal pressures and criminalization. It is also important from the point of view of today's events because it serves as a warning to all who act in the interest of Belgrade and Moscow. As a warning because the ultimate goal is the annulment of the statehood and sovereignty of Montenegro and Montenegro. Not only is it seen as an "internal issue", but the main goal is "to return the Serbian nation-building process to its natural course and stop the activities to create a hybrid Montenegrin nation".