(Continuation from last issue)
In 4. In the psychology of achievement, to supplement, it is necessary to introduce a “deep level”: we want to say, an in-depth analysis of imaginative products of culture is needed, since at that level the basic/primordial supports of personality are/can be identified: this is the diachronic dimension of identity (Popovic, BV, 2002.) which “waits” for the individual to make its “demands” concerning modal forms of behavior and adaptation, then moral patterns, achievements, motivation and, we will add, counter-motivation and which can be found in the appropriate cultural/anthropological sources. Without such analyses and changes in the general cultural code and imagination, it is probably not possible to do anything in the general motivation to form a society of achievements: in this dimension, the source of corruptive tendencies should be found, for example. (Basic facts of this kind can be found in the in-depth analysis of the contents presented in “Characterology of Yugoslavs” V. Dvorniković, in “Myth and Religion among the Serbs” V. Čajkanović, in “Tales from the Past” I. Brlic Mazuranic, as in the stories SM Ljubiše or, alternatively, in the collection of folk tales “Čardak ni na nebu ni na zemlji”). This would be the seventh or eighth aspect that makes the monograph “On the Psychology of Achievement” of fundamental value for science.
What is particularly indicative here is what we need to know about the “Serbian supreme god” and how he, combining the characteristics of ancient (thesmoform) deities (Dionysus, Orpheus, Osiris, Demeter, Voden, Donar, etc. (Čajkanović, V., ibid)), determines the basic cultural and moral code without which it is difficult to speak of a culture and society of achievements, or, as we have established (IV 2.) domestic morality is only at the third of a total of six stages, and the maintenance of corruption, despite all the "examples of humanity and heroism", is a completely normal behavioral pattern.
VI Sample question is a difficult question for our monograph and the empirical study it contains. In our research in the field of social sciences, we are “condemned” to small samples (lack of money, lack of organization, etc.) and are unable to solve this problem. The findings/results we obtain most often only suggest population parameters, but when it comes to research of a fundamental/fundamental nature, the sampling methodology has an ambivalent attitude towards this issue. We opt for the affirmative variant of this attitude (and, to emphasize, when it comes to fundamental/basic/fundamental studies and research).
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We will now move on to those aspects of the monograph “On the Psychology of Achievement” that, although they do not have a fundamental/basic value for science, may have practical value for Montenegro. We are talking about the population, the sample and its representativeness, and with that (imagine!) the question of the psychology of science, and even the psychology of scientists here, as well as the question of the application of our constructs.
Anyway, twenty-five years ago, an opportunity arose to solve all this in the research we were conducting with an adequate sample and to obtain the psychology of achievement, both in theoretical and applied terms, in its full extent and form. At that time, a reform was being implemented in Montenegrin education under the general administration of Professor Gabera from Ljubljana. On that occasion, I was proposed by the Dean of the Faculty of Philosophy, as a psychologist with a master's degree in achievement psychology, to be the "coordinator" for Montenegro, and there was also talk of me continuing with achievement in the form of a doctoral dissertation at the University of Ljubljana. It was, therefore, an opportunity to work with a sufficiently large sample. It was essentially an opportunity for both basic/theoretical and applied achievement psychology in Montenegro. However, someone, in "higher" or "lower" instances, refused to confirm me as coordinator. Why, I have no idea, except that based on that I would say that Montenegro is obviously selectively/restrictively treating its citizens, at least that was the case at the time; I may be one of those who, despite the necessary professional qualifications, prefer to disqualify themselves; frankly, I would be completely indifferent if general damage was not done in this way. Why is this damage being done, and in such a primitive way - that is the question. That is why we must mention the “dark vilayet” on this occasion, as it shows that both higher and lower levels of social science control in Montenegro do not have “fundamental value” for science itself. Avoiding the opportunity for an adequate sample and for work in the psychology of achievement means a violation of the level of national morality that is so often talked about, and which would otherwise have helped the very endangered prosperity in Montenegro. (As for me personally, as is usually the case when there is a clash with reality, I somehow went into fiction and received my doctorate in Belgrade at the Faculty of Philosophy with a topic on psychological interpretations in the field of literature (working on the problems of psychological explanations in the field of literature, among other things, we came up with such models and their applications that explain the “dynamics of literary responses” and with which it became clear that these models are applicable for the analysis of those mental/imaginative levels that are connected with both achievement and counter-motivation). In the methods we have considered, one can also see the possibility of going beyond “babology” in the analysis (babology is a term taken from the novel "The Luck of War" Mihailo Lalic (pp. 96 - 103) and with which he refers to the contents of the museum as a "big topic" of social sciences: babology is in fact an outdated discipline that offers strong resistance to exact and living social science; precisely because of babology in Montenegro it is difficult to even talk about serious, exact and living social science - social science, under such conditions, develops very, very slowly).
VII The monograph “On the Psychology of Achievement” suggests (to a minimal extent, admittedly) and application dimensions.
At the end of our first study, a set of variables that affect the achievement motive is presented, which are arranged in the “achievement syndrome”, which, as an application model, in the form of programmed training, could also be applied in Montenegro. The monograph defines the implementation of certain “measures” in school programs whose purpose is the socialization and development of achievement motivation in the student population, that is, among students as future “producers”, and this is the first aspect of practical action. The second aspect, which we refer to even more strictly under the term “achievement syndrome”, involves appropriate training that should be undergone by people who are about to enter the field of business and entrepreneurship. In both cases, these are programs that are taken from achievement projects that are applied in the world; in our monograph, they are presented in a very reduced form, and this reduced form should serve to protect the whole thing from unprofessional use - with which we have had certain unfavorable experiences. However, with all that reduced form, in the said syndrome our construct of countermotivation got its definition/its adequate place of application - and that is another aspect that makes the monograph "On the psychology of achievement" of fundamental/foundational importance, with the fact that, on top of that, it has, first of all, practical importance in this place.
Finally, the monograph points out that work on raising/strengthening the achievement motive should be undertaken as soon as possible: the first study of the said monograph in its Post Scriptum mentions the research we conducted in 2022, in which we partially repeated the research from 1997 in, as stated, "in the same schools and in the same classes". and, with great satisfaction, it is also reported that scores on MOP have risen while A (authoritarianism) has fallen. In doing so, it is determined that the said changes appeared within the limits of their theoretical averages, and that it is difficult to expect that they will continue to flow - MOP continues to grow, and A continues to decrease - so it is said that for such changes it is necessary to apply the techniques/methods that are stated in our text. At the time of writing the Post Script, we did not know what caused the aforementioned changes (because, since I did not become a coordinator, and therefore was not well-versed, I had lost interest in the school), but we nevertheless "promised" that we would determine this later/as soon as possible - and we did determine:
Namely, in the “Open Society Foundation Network” (Podgorica 2010) one can find the text “Evaluation of Education Reform in Montenegro”, which presents a positive evaluation of the aforementioned reform, carried out by the educational workers themselves. Very good and very realistic. The education reform was indeed necessary and, when it was carried out, was useful in many ways. Our research from 2022 registers these positive effects, therefore, in the form of an increase in MOP and a decrease in A, when the values of these variables are compared with those from 1997: all this can be seen with the naked eye and it is felt very well in schools/everything is more normal than it was in 1997, as well as in the years preceding this one and immediately following it. However, we have already said, and we emphasize this, that the aforementioned improvements are within the range of their theoretical averages (for both MOP and A) and that, apart from the necessary relaxation, they do not bring about crucial changes. The theoretical average in the MOP will not lead to prosperity, from the results we do not see any society of achievement, and that is what we are constantly emphasizing. Achievement motivation must be practiced/learned as an intrinsic tendency, without it it is not possible to build any society of achievement: either without it, or without the Protestant Reformation. So, now, ladies and gentlemen, choose: either the Protestant Reformation or a school reform with which, to the necessary extent, the achievement motive would be raised in the population and thus prosperity would be initiated. Or, instead of all that, counter-motivation with learned helplessness, constant gloating in the “vale of tears” and heroic myths.
VIII 1. In our monograph, i.e. in its first study, several theories of history are presented, with the conviction that in history we have a universe of behavior into which the psychology of motivation, the psychology of counter-motivation and especially the psychology of achievement should enter; this is illustrated with several of the most striking examples of societies of achievement, as well as societies of stagnation, and several examples of societies that have historically failed. Therefore, a review of Yugoslavia and its disintegration was not omitted, as was a review of Montenegro, with understandable concern that this could happen to it too, and with the hope that it will not. Therefore, we emphasize once again: either work on strengthening achievement motivation and weakening counter-motivation, or counter-motivation with mourning in the “vale of tears” and heroic myths, as a general and defensive rationalization characteristic of “vales of tears”.
However, we must emphasize again that history (which is the subject of the theories presented and discussed here) differs in a very important and sharp way from "babology" and its museum forms and relics) - what interests the theory of achievement is history, with whose "pulse" prosperity arises, or, conversely, stagnation arises, with which one laments in the "vale of tears" and raves about heroic times.
VIII 2. Theories of history, not “history”, because one of the functions that theory, as theory, should fulfill is to protect the historian/researcher from being preoccupied with the extreme complexity of real/historical events; because the inscriptions in history, for example, of “blues” and “greens” from the old Byzantine tradition, and “whites” and “greens” from the domestic tradition, as well as the Cyrillic and Latin alphabets as today’s critical signs, all of this stands outside the context of achievement, even as a contraindication for a society of achievement - therefore, we must have a critical theory of history as opposed to “history” as a mass of facts. The theory of history is therefore a necessary condition for achieving historical objectivity, as, even when it comes to the “personality” with its motivations, there is no objectivity without theory.
IX PS The monograph “On the Psychology of Achievement” was submitted two or three years ago to a competition for monographs of fundamental value to science, which was announced by CANU. After two years, the contact phone tells us: “I told you, Boguumi, that people should be informed that the monographs were not accepted”. Boguti? It is necessary, to clarify this immediately, to provide the author of the manuscript submitted to the competition with reviews (anonymous, of course) from competent (i.e. the most competent) experts, and it is necessary, in addition to these reviews, to possibly open a dialogue (anonymous, of course) between the reviewers and the author (who must also be anonymous (for the reviewers). The aforementioned conditions represent the minimum for formulating an objective assessment (of any scientific work, including our monograph), and we are even obliged to warn CANU and its contact phones about this.
For all of this, we remind CANU of the current academic standards regarding peer review and we will be free to suggest that it re-announce the same competition for monographs of fundamental value for science and submit our manuscript/monograph “On the Psychology of Achievement” to the competition, initiate the peer review procedures and submit the necessary report to the author of the monograph. Without all of this, CANU will show that it is deeply immersed in the customs and traditions of the princes, as is the case with those universities that, except in its and our geographical proximity, are between the six thousandth and seven thousandth places on the list of universities in the world.
Should CANU (and should UCG, especially with its psychology studies) be equalized, identified, and compete with the aforementioned universities and their related academies of sciences, or with such studies as psychology studies at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade, which are officially ranked among the top 15% of all psychology studies in the world - that is the question. And it is a question because it is crucial whether Montenegro should be formed as a society of achievements.
Bonus video:
