Presidential elections in Montenegro 1992/93. years: The first cracks in the government and choosing the "lesser evil"

According to the Constitution of the Republic of Montenegro (adopted on October 13, 1992), Article 85 stipulates that the President of the Republic of Montenegro "is elected by the citizens, by direct secret ballot, every five years." In terms of constitutional competencies, the function of the President of Montenegro, when it concerns formal, normative and institutional authority and power, was not of particular importance. But in reality, although the Government of Montenegro was constitutionally responsible for conducting the country's internal and external policy, it was constitutionally determined that in Montenegro a parliamentary system combined with elements of the chancellor system reigns, the function of the President of the Republic had a special importance and weight in society and in the system of government in the Republic, considering the fact that the leader of the ruling DPS and the then President of the Presidency of the Republic of Montenegro, Momir Bulatović, aspired to that position, who within the ruling party was a person with dominant political influence and capacities authority and power in the legal and political order of Montenegro. The constitutional competencies of the President of the Republic were: represents the Republic in the country and abroad; promulgates laws by decree; announces elections for the Assembly; proposes to the Assembly candidates for Prime Minister and President and judges of the Constitutional Court, proposes to the Assembly the calling of a republican referendum; grants amnesty for criminal acts prescribed by the law of the Republic; gives awards and recognitions; performs other tasks provided for by the Constitution. (See about it: Constitution of the Republic of Montenegro, "Official Gazette of the Republic of Montenegro", Podgorica, no. 48/1992, p. 853. and prof. Dr. Radovan Radonjić, "Political Thought in Montenegro", CID, Podgorica, 2006, p. 577).

The first round of presidential elections in Montenegro was held on December 20, 1992, the same day as the extraordinary parliamentary elections, as well as the elections for the Council of Citizens of the "FRY" Assembly. In the presidential elections (first election round), out of a total of 429.047 registered voters, 295.808 or 68% voted. The number of invalid ballots was 9 (8.150%). The presidential candidates won the following number of votes: Momir Bulatović, MA (Democratic Party of Socialists) 2,7 (123.183%); PhD Branko Kostić (group of citizens and Association of Warriors 42,8-1991) 92 (68.296%); Slavko Perović (LSCG) 23 (7%); Dr. Novak Kilibarda (People's Party of Montenegro) 52.736 (18,3%); Dr. Dragan Hajduković (independent candidate) 25.979 (9,0); dr Slobodan Vujošević (Democratic Party) 10.270 (3,6%); Veselin Kaluđerović (independent candidate) 2.270 (1,0%); MSc Predrag Popović (Democratic Orthodox Party) 1.606 (0%) and Živojin-Kiro Radović (Serbian National Reconstruction for Montenegro and Herzegovina) 6 (1.419%). (Cited according to: Prof. Dr. Veselin Pavićević, "Electoral system and elections in Montenegro 0,5-1.399", CID, Podgorica, 0, p. 5).

There were no winners in the first election round, so two candidates - Momir Bulatović and Branko Kostić - entered the second election round, which was held on January 10, 1993, as the first-ranked and second-ranked by the number of votes received. The main election "battle" was fought between Mr. Momir Bulatović, president of the DPS and the Republic of Montenegro, and Dr. Branko Kostić, also a high-ranking DPS official, former President of the Presidency of the SRCG and vice-president of the SFRY, who came from a smaller wing of the DPS, which zealously and in totality followed Milošević's policy and ideology of war and the Great Serbian concept. But Kostić, since he lost within his parent party and did not win the party's candidacy, decided to appear in the race for the president of the Republic of Montenegro as a candidate of the "Association of Warriors 1991/92".

Although there was a coalition between the DPS of Montenegro and the Socialist Party of Serbia, there were certain disagreements between the two parties, so that the SPS and the regime of Slobodan Milošević in Serbia supported Dr. Branko Kostić in the race for the president of Montenegro with Momir Bulatović, the leader of the DPS and President of the Republic of Montenegro. Dr. Branko Kostić in the competition with Momir Bulatović was publicly supported by the Serbian Radical Party of Dr. Vojislav Šešelj, that is, its branch in Montenegro, which, on the order of the Belgrade headquarters, invited its voters to vote for Kostić. The differences between DPS and SPS were manifested a little earlier regarding the position and political activities of the Prime Minister of the FRY Milan Panić, with whom the President of Serbia Slobodan Milošević came into conflict and to whom Milan Panić, the Prime Minister of the FRY, was an opponent in the presidential elections in Serbia. However, in the presidential elections in Serbia on December 20, 1992, Slobodan Milošević defeated Milan Panić in the first election round (53,2 to 32,1 percent). Despite the certain affection of DPS towards Milan Panić, the coalition of DPS and SPS functioned and there was no significant difference between the ruling parties of Montenegro and Serbia on key strategic issues.

During the election contest between Bulatović and Kostić, in the first and second election rounds, significant differences between them were shown, at least in rhetorical terms. B. Kostić was formally a candidate of the citizens' association called "Warrior's Association 1991/2", and during the election campaign, extremely nationalist political and ideological structures stood behind Kostić, such as the Serbian Radical Party, which publicly supported Kostić in the "crossing of spears". with Momir Bulatović. In competition with Bulatović, Slobodan Milošević's regime supported Branko Kostić. In the media sense, in the territory of Montenegro, during the presidential campaign, Bulatović was favored over Kostić, who tried to compensate for such an advantage to a certain extent with his privileged position and forcing in the media in Serbia, "which are widely distributed in Montenegro". (Prof. Dr. Vladimir Goati, "Elections in Serbia and Montenegro from 1990 to 2013 and in the FRY from 1992 to 2003", Belgrade, 2013, p. 40).

The state media in Serbia, primarily RTS, openly favored Branko Kostić in his showdown with Momir Bulatović.

Momir Bulatović was of the opinion that the sanctions against the FRY introduced by the international community were "unfair", and he spoke about the war in which Montenegro was drawn into against Croatia, especially about the disastrous adventure in Dubrovnik, earlier, trying to justify it, "about the numerous Ustashas who headed for Novi and Boka", so that after the signing of the Dobrić Ćosić - Franjo Tuđman agreement on September 30, 1992 in Geneva and the withdrawal of the JNA (VJ) from Prevlaka, he would declare that "Croatian weapons are of limited range, which indicates that their intentions are preventive, and not conquering". (Quoted from: Željko Ivanović, "The die was thrown - presidential candidates", "Monitor", Podgorica, No. 11, dated December 4, 1992, p. 8).

A little earlier, when the war of conquest was waged by the JNA in the south of Croatia, in which Montenegro participated, Momir Bulatović pointed out that "Montenegro supported the JNA in the best way", i.e.: "we lit up the face like countless times before." , but to the foreign public, when he was visiting the USA, he knew how to reason differently about the same thing, so in that sense he characterized the expedition to Duborvnik as a "completely irrational activity". Although he considered EC and OUN sanctions unthinkable and unjust, during the election campaign Bulatović announced that "we cannot be right and the whole world on the wrong side" (Ibidem).

Dr. Branko Kostić stated during the campaign, in the second election round, that Bulatović enjoys the support of the voters of the Liberal Alliance of Montenegro. However, Liberal leader Slavko Perović publicly announced that he does not recommend to members and sympathizers of LSCG who and how to vote, but rather advises them to make their own autonomous decisions. By the way, the LSCG qualified the duel between Bulatović and Kostić as a choice between "two evils", with the liberals considering Bulatović the "lesser evil". The choice between Bulatović and Kostić was a choice between two presidential candidates "similar in many respects, even so much so that it is difficult to state any significant difference" (Željko Ivanović, "Dice and mustache - who will be the president", "Liberal", Cetinje-Podgorica , year IV, No. 9/17/, dated January 9, 1993, page 6.).

When it came to their attitude towards the Montenegrin national identity, Momir Bulatović remained consistent with what his grandfather taught him, as he used to say, that "his name is Montenegrin and his surname is Serbian", while Branko Kostić had the attitude that he was always "proud of his Serbian, ethnic origin, but also of being a Montenegrin" (Ibidem).

Namely, from the position of the President of the Presidency of SRCG, Dr. Branko Kostić stated in the Belgrade newspaper "Borba" on August 15, 1990 that the Montenegrin nation was invented by the KPJ decree in 1945, and that Montenegrins are ethnically part of the Serbian people. He denied their historical, ethnic and national independence. He claimed that the Muslim nation was also invented on a religious basis. Then Dr. Branko Kostić said that "it is clear that Montenegrins and Serbs are one nation. But now the issue of national origin is mixed with the issue of the statehood of Montenegro, which is a completely different issue and has a completely different specific weight. It is mixed with the fact that until 1945 we in this system invented a practical and special Montenegrin nationality. It is not politically wise if I say that for me, from a scientific point of view, the Muslim nation is also invented, we invented it in this system on a purely religious basis. I personally am even now ready to respect the fact that we have created both the Montenegrin nationality and the Muslim nationality in the last 45 years, regardless of the fact that as a scientific worker I can be critical towards those categories. I identify myself nationally as a Montenegrin and I don't intend to change that" (See Branko Kostić's interview: "Borba", Belgrade, August 15, 1990). Kostić will then claim that he is both a Montenegrin and a Serb.

According to the war in Croatia, specifically Operation Dubrovnik - Momir Bulatović was an advocate of a "war for peace", and Branko Kostić argued that it was an "offensive in the name of humanity". Both of them had basically the same point of view. According to LSCG, Momir Bulatović was clear when he said that it was "a party he does not think well of", and Branko Kostić "swore", as he said, "that he will defend Montenegro better than all those liberals" (Željko Ivanovic, quoted text).

In relation to the idea of ​​establishing a sovereign and independent and internationally recognized Montenegro, Dr. Branko Kostić stated that "no one should get carried away that something like that is possible", and Bulatović was explicit in early 1992, during the referendum campaign, when he said that DPS "does not know how to create a sovereign Montenegro and that they will step down from power if that option wins the referendum". Both Kostić and Bulatović showed closeness and loyalty to Slobodan Milošević and friendship with him and alliance, with the fact that Kostić in that sense was Milošević's favorite in the competition with Bulatović. Kostić publicly spoke about Milošević that he was "proud of cooperation and closeness with such a noble man", while Bulatović apostrophized that he "has known and cooperated with Milošević for much longer". Branko Kostić, on the eve of the second election round, stated that he "does not expect that Muslim and Albanian parties, as well as separatist parties, will vote for him", and Bulatović said that "members of the LSCG and SDA will consciously vote for Kostić in order to cause chaos and new elections". Nevertheless, certain differences between them existed, although they were largely "artificial, caused, again by the same - great ambitions and immense love of power". (Željko Ivanović, quoted text, pp. 6-7).

However, despite these facts, during the session of the Hague Peace Conference (autumn 1991), Bulatović and Kostić represented different points of view and attitude towards Lord Peter Carrington's peace plan. Bulatović supported the Hague document on October 18, 1991, while Kostić was categorically against it in his capacity as vice-president of the Presidency of the SFRY, and at the Hague conference, during two plenary sessions, Lord Carrington interrupted him both times. For Branko Kostić, the chairman of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hans Van den Broek, said that "it is devastating to know that such a man lives in Europe of the 1991th century." During the election campaign for the president of the Republic of Montenegro, M. Bulatović said that he voted for the Hague document and was on a different side compared to Kostić because both "represented different interests from different positions". Branko Kostić of "Yugoslavia" and "Serbia", and Momir Bulatović of "Montenegro". At the end of XNUMX, the difference between Bulatović and Kostić manifested itself in the fact that Bulatović demanded the return of Montenegrin citizens mobilized in the JNA and sent to Bania, in Montenegro, while Branko Kostić was against it.

Regarding the issue of the survival of the FRY, Bulatović and Kostić advocated for its survival, with the difference being that Kostić advocated that the goal of the common state should be a "strong Orthodox state in the Balkans", while Bulatović advocated the concept of "an alliance of Serbian states ", to which Kostić was inclined, characterized that "such a project leads to fascism", and that Montenegro will not participate in it. Bulatović resented Milošević during his split with Milan Panić and was sympathetic to Panić to a significant extent, while Kostić was completely devoted to Milošević in that conflict. During the election meeting, Bulatović reproached Kostic that his candidacy was calculated with the aim of "preventing the disclosure of the mistakes he committed as the actual first man of the Yugoslav state in the period of its disintegration, especially as the supreme commander of the armed forces". Bulatović pointed out that Kostić relies on his candidacy on the wholehearted support of Dr. Borislav Jović, a close associate of Milošević, "a man who, independently of his formal function, actually led the Presidency of the SFRY during the period related to Kostić's terms of office." Bulatović accused Kostić of being a figurehead in the SFRY in the hands of Jović and other powerful factors, and of signing documents and preparing letters to international addresses and political decisions in advance that "he could only read but not correct".

During the election campaign, Kostić threatened war in Montenegro, when he claimed that "if there is a declaration of sovereign Montenegro, the bloody Bosnian scenario will be repeated in these areas", while Bulatović replied to such a message that "Montenegro not Bosnia", and that "Montenegro is one of the oldest countries in the Balkans. If, in a possible new referendum, 51 percent of the voters declare for sovereignty, this must be respected, just as these 40%, who were against the joint state, now respect the decision of the majority," said Momir Bulatović. (Cited according to: Željko Ivanović, "The die is cast - presidential candidates", "Monitor", Podgorica, No. 11, dated December 4, 1992, pp. 7-9). In the second election round, 10 or 1993% of voters turned out for the presidential elections held on January 253, 630. There were 59 or 1% of invalid ballots. DPS candidate Momir Bulatović won 2.863 votes (1,1%), while Branko Kostić received 158.732 (or 63%) votes from voters (Dr. Veselin Pavićević, nd p. 3).

In the second election round, the citizens of Montenegro decided with a convincing majority for Momir Bulatović, who became the absolute winner of the presidential elections. Momir Bulatović managed to gain wide support in the race with Kostić, in addition to DPS voters and a significant part of the pro-Montenegrin sovereignist opposition, which believed that a less radical candidate should be elected. A significant number of voters from the bloc for a sovereign and independent Montenegro (LSCG, SDPR, SPCG) voted for Bulatović as the "lesser evil" in the second election round. Part of the voters, who in the first election round voted for the independent candidate Dr. Dragan Hajduković, who promoted the program of a sovereign and ecological state of Montenegro, also opted for him. Bulatović was supported by a large number of voters from among the Muslim/Bosniak and Albanian people in Montenegro in the second election round, considering him to be more acceptable than Kostić, whom they considered a radical candidate and an exponent of an extreme political option. The Serbian option in Montenegro voted for Dr. Branko Kostić, that is, a large part of the voters of the People's Party, the Serbian Radical Party and some smaller parties with a Serbian prefix.