Montenegro has never experienced a democratic change of government in its history.
The multi-party system was introduced three decades ago, and it is significant that, according to research, political parties occupy the lower part of the table in terms of citizens' trust.
Several political parties emerged from civil movements that gained popularity, but far from the fact that political activity in Montenegro can be reduced to party activity.
Examples include the first major civil protests organized by students and MANS almost 10 years ago, up to the Resist protest and the fight for cypress trees in Bar. It was in Bar that the citizens who spontaneously organized themselves and united in the Citizens' Initiative had the main say.
In addition to the number, the protests also stood out for their completely different iconography, messages and rhetoric compared to party gatherings of a similar type.
"Whatever we do and whatever we engage in in our private, social and any other life, it is engaging in politics, because it is not just voting in elections or voting for this or that option. Literally, every social decision, and many private decisions we make, have something to do with politics," says philosophy professor and columnist Stefan Đukić, who was part of the Initiative.
He reminds that taxes finance a political institution called the state and that when we do something that is for the good of the community - we are dealing with politics.
"Actually, we have forgotten what the word itself means - politics is a social, general, struggle for good. It all comes from the Greek word polis, which represented the basic ancient community. Like it or not, we are political beings. Therefore, when we say that something is being politicized, it is not something negative, but a vulgarization that wants to say that we are dealing with something partisan. Our every fight for the community, for our betterment, the betterment of the state or society, of Europe as a whole is actually a kind of political act and there is nothing wrong with that. We all do that, and if you don't want to deal with politics, politics deals with you," Đukić explains.
Đukić believes that all societies and peoples are the same, but that some are in a place where someone was much earlier and that they have to go through the motions in order to be able to jump a few steps and reach the desired democratic level.
"I believe that any action towards education, towards improvement and understanding of things - what the people are, what our right is, what politics is doing is good. Therefore, every useful text, every action, every show, goes in that style to actually remind us that we don't have some governors, God-given rulers, but this is our city, our country, our society, and we should ask ourselves equally. We didn't vote for parties so that they would then leave and say here you go, do whatever you want, and we'll mind our own business. In fact, those are our jobs," Đukić points out.
He points out that the story about the cypress trees and the Citizens' Initiative is exactly that story "because it was, when it started, that it was a question for the parties, let the parties present them, involve the municipality, that someone else fights for you, why did you vote for DPS if you wanted to do something else."
"The citizens' initiative just took matters into their own hands in that way, because the school is the school of all citizens, not the institution called the Municipal Assembly, as well as the park in front of the school where some went, and some are yet to go. There we showed what should be done everywhere in Montenegro, in every place in every case. If some of our interests are not respected, it is absolutely unimportant what we voted before in the elections. We could have changed our minds and now we have decided that we want something different and to be consulted on the subject. If there are a significant number of people on the streets, if there are a significant number of people who disagree with something, then it is absolutely normal for them to be consulted, to change their decision, to act, to do something. The question is constantly asked why something was not done six months, two or 10 years ago. Maybe we didn't know, we didn't understand, we weren't informed, some decisions were hidden from us. Now we know and we want to do otherwise," says Đukić.
He adds that it should be pointed out that the Civic Initiative has taken it upon itself to act as it was thought that only parties act.
"So she petitioned to change something, she looked at the legality of certain projects and challenged them, she sent papers to the courts to check the civil licenses and the legality of certain roles. Everything that was considered to be done by the parties was done by that organization and that is a good principle of how to act in any case. Of course, because we are a few degrees away from some more democratic societies, blockades, protests, all the things that were supposed to show - OK, there are enough of us on the street and we are protesting, we want to show you this way had to happen at the same time. that we will not allow you to destroy in this way what we consider a public good. I believe that whoever wants to be involved in politics, and we should all be involved, outside of the parties, must always act in two directions. It must act institutionally, to show at least for some future that they must do their job, even if they are a charade of institutions. Sending petitions, calling for referendums, asking citizens to ask themselves, examining the legality of certain decisions, which is a bit difficult because not all of us are educated in that legal segment, but I believe there are plenty of lawyers who want to deal with it and help, as there are a lot of political scientists and professors who are ready to support the fight, but it is necessary to do this anti-systemic fight all the time, blockades, protests, performances, anything to show that there really are people who do not agree with a decision", explains Đukić.
He believes that the fight for cypresses was decided by an unsystematic fight.
"The Prime Minister himself said that we will not build a kindergarten with police cars. The institutions are not strong yet, but we have to fight for them to become strong. I don't know if it will be in five or 50 years, it's a different matter," concludes Đukić.
Political scientist Nikola Zečević says that extra-institutional action can be a way of mobilizing public opinion and influencing public policy, and that it is most effectively constellated within the framework of social movements.
"Social movements are those that question the institutional logic, that influence institutional changes. Or as Charles Tilly says, social movements are those that proactively articulate the dissatisfaction of a certain collectivity, on an extra-institutional level, especially with regard to certain social problems. They adopt the so-called oppositional identity, and oppose the institutional position and opposition, but also other instances, such as religious communities, corporations, media, etc. In this way, social movements not only exclude the so-called decision makers, they want to impose themselves as a partner/actor in decision-making and thus present themselves as a democratic alternative. The methods of non-institutional action can be different: protests, strikes, petitions, boycott of institutions... When I say boycott, I do not mean only a boycott of elections, but also a boycott of the media or media content, certain companies, products, non-governmental organizations (through, for example, refusing to participate in their research), religious communities (by refusing to participate in their religious processions), etc., says Zečević.
He adds that there are also illegal and illegitimate methods of extra-institutional action, such as inciting unrest or violence.
"The quality of methods of non-institutional action affects the final result. Let's say, when we talk about protests, their duration, frequency, number of people who participate in them, media coverage, quality of strategy... these are all variables that affect the effectiveness and success of protests. One of the basic prerequisites for successful non-institutional action is non-violence (non-violent resistance or non-violent civil disobedience), but also solidarity, persistence, self-sacrifice, etc. Although it may sound idealistic, let's remember Rosa Luxemburg, Klara Cetkin, Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Rosa Parks, etc., explains Zečević.
He also points out that certain non-party subjects/individuals can act within institutions, with the aim of causing specific changes: trade unions, whistleblowers, independent newsrooms, decision-makers who refuse "de facto" party affiliation, etc.
"According to the logic of things, the protector of citizens should be a symbol of non-partisan action within the institutions of the system. There are also representatives of the NGO sector in certain institutions, of course, free from political influence. In certain spheres, it would be useful to emulate the North American model of "nonpartisanship", which is especially present at the lower levels of government. If we need a historical recapitulation, let's remember the "Solidarity" trade union that carried out the transition of power in Poland. Or Libor Mihalek in the Czech Republic, whose "whistling" led to the resignation of the police chief and two ministers in 2010. On the other hand, the protector of citizens in Serbia (Saša Janković) at one point (unfortunately, not for long) represented the only democratic articulation within Vučić's partitocratic system of institutions. In the context of North American non-partisanship, it is worth mentioning the fact that the municipal government in Toronto is led by a non-partisan council, directly elected in elections, where local councilors (although formally members of certain parties) are actually representatives of specific constituencies, and essentially completely independent of any party affiliation", he concludes. Zecevic.
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