The new Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro Đorđe Radulović chose Germany for the first visit of his mandate. Before the meeting with his German colleague Haik Masa, he gave an exclusive interview to DW.
DW: Mr. Radulović, why did you choose Germany as the first country you will visit as Minister of Foreign Affairs?
Đorđe Radulović: I think there are many reasons why Germany should be the first country to visit for every new foreign minister of a Western Balkan country. It is a country that strongly supports the enlargement process of the European Union. In each wave of enlargement so far, Germany has played the role of promoter of new members. That's why, despite the pandemic, I didn't think for a moment when I received a call from the German Minister of Foreign Affairs, Heik Maas.
By visiting Germany, I think I am also sending a clear signal in which direction we want our country to go, which is, of course, full membership in the European Union. This is also an opportunity to thank Germany for the support it provides us on the way to the European Union, but also for the support of the new Montenegrin government in its efforts to implement reforms.
But I must mention that my plan is to visit other key countries of the European Union in due course, given that our main foreign policy goal is European integration.
During the conversation with Minister Masa, do you expect any unpleasant questions regarding the latest developments in Montenegro?
I believe that we are in the middle of a process that is not exactly everyday. After thirty years, Montenegro changed its government, perhaps it could be said after 70 years. This government has only been in power for about four or five weeks and I think we have done a lot in this short time. If we could have done something better and differently, this government has the democratic capacity to listen to all those who want to contribute to the improvement. And Minister Mas, as a representative of a friend and partner country, and I can say a role model, is more than invited to make all suggestions and criticisms on that front.
Do you think that the disagreement between the new Montenegrin government and President Milo Đukanović will hinder the government's work in the long term and cause instability in the country?
After the events of February last year, it became clear that President Đukanović will not help the transition of power and is still trying to obstruct it at every step. But the new Montenegrin government does not support the tactics of digging in the trenches and endless power games. That is why the President and the Deputy Prime Minister, Krivokapić and Abazović, as well as the Speaker of the Parliament Bečić, sent the President an invitation for open discussions on cohabitation. Not out of weakness, but because they feel responsible for their country.
I hope that President Đukanović will abandon any plans to further obstruct the work of the government, which could lead to protests and eventual destabilization.
Does this dynamic affect domestic politics and relations with neighbors, especially Serbia?
We have a "zero problem doctrine" with all our neighbors in a region that, as a region, may not be the most appreciative of promoting such a doctrine. Although Montenegro is not strong economically or militarily, it still wants to influence relations in the region by its example. This also applies to Serbia, with whom we want to have the best relations based on the principle of two independent countries, mutual respect and based on the principle of non-interference in internal affairs. And what is perhaps even more important, that we have relations based on the level of the system, so that regardless of who is in power, even if those in power do not agree on all issues, they are close and cooperate.
And in this sense, I would like to say that the new government fully wants to reset relations with Serbia and start from scratch. That's why I already at the very beginning sent an invitation to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Serbia, Nikola Selaković, to come to Podgorica, and Prime Minister Krivokapić did the same by inviting Serbian Prime Minister Ana Brnabić to come to Montenegro at the end of this month. I think that these are some signs of friendship that Montenegro, as a good neighbor, extends to Serbia.
On this occasion, I also announce that the Macedonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Bujar Osmani, is coming to visit us on Sunday.
You state full membership in the European Union as your main goal. But the EU is currently far from a new enlargement. More and more often, the countries of the Western Balkans are offered alternatives to full membership, such as entry into the European Economic Area (EEU). So economic membership without political participation. How does Montenegro view such loud thoughts?
For us, the European Union is much more than the economy, much more than high wages and trade. For us, the European Union is an idea. And you can't discredit an idea with money. Faith in that idea in Montenegro is great and I think it will grow even more. We do not reject anything a priori, but economic space is something we already have through many bilateral agreements. Some kind of eternal waiting could diminish the faith in this European idea among our citizens.
Membership in the European Union also implies solving fundamental problems in the countries in the Western Balkans that aspire to full membership. Where, in your opinion, are the main problems in that part of Europe?
We have to solve our mutual problems without the pressure of the European Union and that through constant dialogue. When we talk about specific countries, I think that in the coming period we should focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina. All of us in the region should help Bosnia and Herzegovina to become as functional as possible and to catch up with other countries when it comes to European integration. This requires a regional approach, as well as the presence of the European Union.
Do you think that the institution of the Office of the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina should be kept?
There are clear rules about when that institution should stop working. When Bosnia and Herzegovina fulfills those criteria and becomes a functional state in the full sense of that term, then it should come to the end of that mandate. But at the moment this is still not the case.
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