I welcome the contribution of Montenegro to our ongoing efforts to protect the population and territory of NATO, said the Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg.
In an interview with "Vijesti", Stoltenberg, among other things, referred to the membership of Montenegro, the admission of the two Nordic countries, the open door policy, but also why he must persist in supporting Kyiv.
"It is impossible to predict how long the war in Ukraine will last and what the long-term consequences will be. What is important is that we continue to support Ukraine as long as necessary. Of course, all the military, economic and humanitarian support we provide to Ukraine comes at a high cost, but the cost of not supporting Ukraine would be far greater. This would mean rewarding Russia for attacking a sovereign and independent country of 40 million people," he said in an interview.
In June, Montenegro celebrated the fifth anniversary of its accession to NATO. United is the first country to join NATO under your leadership. How satisfied are you with Montenegro's commitment to NATO?
Montenegro is a valued ally, which significantly contributes to our common security, including the participation of troops in the multinational NATO battle group in Latvia and our peacekeeping mission in Kosovo - KFOR. I also welcome Montenegro's contribution to stability across the Western Balkans region, as well as its increased defense spending. All this represents a concrete indicator of your country's strong commitment to NATO.
At the same time, Montenegro can always count on NATO to preserve its security. For example, as part of our air policing mission, we continue to guard your skies with Italian and Greek fighter jets. In addition, NATO and member countries have shown strong solidarity and support to Montenegro during the coronavirus pandemic, providing equipment, medical supplies and financial support from the NATO Pandemic Response Trust Fund and our supplies.
At the end of last month, the Parliament of Montenegro ratified the protocols on the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. Bearing in mind that certain member countries have already ratified the protocols, when do you expect the others to complete this process and these two countries join the Alliance?
Finland and Sweden, NATO's closest partners, were invited to join the Alliance at our recent Leaders' Summit in Madrid. It was a historic decision - for Finland, for Sweden, for NATO and for our common Euro-Atlantic security. On July 5, NATO ambassadors signed the accession protocols for both countries in the presence of the head of Finnish diplomacy. Bake Havusta and the head of Swedish diplomacy Anne Linde. I will not speculate on the dates, but I look forward to the quick ratification by all allies and I welcome the quick support of Montenegro.
Until the Russian invasion, the accession of these two countries was almost unthinkable. Now NATO will grow to 32 member countries. With their joining, how do you see the future of NATO's open door policy? Is it realistic to expect a country to join in the next ten years?
NATO leaders reiterated in Madrid that NATO's open door policy remains open. The criteria for NATO membership are clearly stated in Article 10 of the Washington Treaty, and decisions on NATO membership are made by consensus at the North Atlantic Council. At the end of the day, admission to NATO is the exclusive right of NATO and of some sovereign states, which independently apply for membership. No third party has veto power over it.
After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the allies, in addition to the existing combat groups, also agreed to establish four more - in Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia. Will the groups be temporary or not? Montenegro is already part of the Latvian group. Do you expect Montenegro to contribute by participating in combat groups?
Our decision at the Madrid Summit to strengthen our battlegroups in the eastern part of the Alliance is part of a key transformation in the deterrence and defense system - the most significant since the Cold War. These include strengthening our forward defenses, increasing the number of high readiness forces to over 300.000 and improving our readiness to go hard, including more forward-positioned equipment and military reserve stocks.
In addition, we will have more forward-deployed capabilities, such as strengthened air defense command and control and improved defense plans, with forces allocated to specific defense allies. I welcome the valuable contributions of Montenegro to our ongoing efforts to protect our population and the territory of the Alliance.
I'll follow up with one more question. Albania is negotiating with NATO on the construction of a naval base on the Adriatic Sea. When it comes to the Western Balkans, are you considering additional investment in the local infrastructure or even the deployment of troops in the region? If so, can you tell us more details about it?
We welcome the offers of allies for the placement of NATO facilities. Our experts have to look at all such offers and then give advice depending on the military conditions. The new Strategic Concept of NATO, which was approved at the Madrid Summit, once again confirmed the strategic importance of the Western Balkans for our alliance.
NATO will continue to promote stability, security and cooperation in the region, including through the daily efforts of KFOR, our headquarters in Sarajevo and the office in Belgrade. Security and stability in the Western Balkans is important for NATO and for peace and stability in Europe.
There is a lot of talk about Russian influence in the Balkans, especially in Serbia and Republika Srpska. You have repeatedly mentioned the tensions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Milorad Dodik's inflammatory rhetoric. How would you describe the current situation in Bosnia?
We call on Russia to play a constructive role in the Western Balkans, but we have regularly seen Russia doing the exact opposite. NATO fully respects the sovereign right of countries to choose their own political and security arrangements. This is the basic principle of European security. A principle that Russia also pledged to respect as part of the Helsinki Agreement.
Bosnia and Herzegovina has come a long way since the conflicts of the 1990s, but, unfortunately, tensions remain high, with divisive rhetoric, stalled reforms and foreign actors working to undermine its progress. NATO will continue to promote stability, security and cooperation in the region through our partnership with Bosnia and Herzegovina, the efforts of our headquarters in Sarajevo, our support for the operation translated by the European Union EUFOR ALTHEA in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as part of the Berlin plus arrangement.
NATO maintains a high-level political dialogue with Bosnia and Herzegovina. In May, I met with the Chairman of the BiH Presidency in Brussels Chief Džaferović. The Minister of Defense of Bosnia and Herzegovina joined our discussions at the Summit in Madrid, and recently the Chairman of the NATO Military Committee, Admiral Robert Bauer. Moreover, as NATO leaders agreed in Madrid, we are ready to strengthen political and practical support for partners who are at risk of Russian aggression, including Bosnia and Herzegovina.
How do you view the incendiary rhetoric from the highest Serbian officials regarding, among other things, the concept of the "Serbian world"? An example of this is the current Minister of Internal Affairs and former Minister of Defense Aleksandar Vulin.
NATO and Serbia are close and long-standing partners. Our partnership is based on political dialogue and practical cooperation, with full respect for Serbia's state policy of military neutrality. Our political dialogue is manifested in different ways. It includes my contacts with the president Aleksandar Vučić and other political leaders and regular interactions with Serbian colleagues who have my deputy assistant for political affairs and security policy and the head of the NATO military liaison office in Belgrade. It also includes the well-established relationship between the KFOR commander and the Serbian Chief of General Staff.
Such relations are made possible by a constructive spirit and mutual respect, which should continue.
Are you concerned about long-term stability in Kosovo, after recent developments in the north of the country?
I recently spoke with the political leadership in Pristina and Belgrade about the tensions in the north of Kosovo. All parties must remain calm, avoid unilateral actions and constructively engage in dialogue with the mediation of the European Union. In accordance with its UN mandate, the KFOR mission is closely monitoring the situation and is ready to intervene if stability is threatened. Our mission is dedicated to ensuring a safe and secure environment and freedom of movement for all people in Kosovo. NATO continues to fully support the EU-mediated dialogue and we call on all parties to continue negotiations. It is crucial for regional peace and security.
Russian invasion affects the world. We see energy and food prices rising, inflation, etc. Do you think this will affect the obligation of member states to allocate two percent of GDP to defense? Is it realistic to expect member states to fulfill this obligation under those conditions?
At the NATO Summit in Madrid, we discussed the global food crisis caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, including Russia's deliberate targeting of agricultural and transportation infrastructure. President Putin's war is raising food prices, pushing people into poverty, and destabilizing entire regions.
At the same time, we face the most serious security situation in a generation and NATO allies are increasing defense investments to keep our population safe. Our latest data on defense spending shows that 2022 will be the eighth consecutive year of spending increases by European allies and Canada. Allies also invest more in modern equipment and contribute to NATO deployments and exercises.
At the Madrid Summit, the Allies reiterated their commitment to fulfilling their 2014 pledge to spend at least two percent of GDP on defense. They also agreed to build on the promise and decide next year on the obligations that will follow after 2024. It shows a real commitment to better burden sharing across the Alliance. We must continue to spend more in the long term and spend more together in NATO. It is about our security in a more dangerous world.
NATO is now unified but do you, for example, expect Turkey to continue to provide full support? I ask you this in view of the initial opposition to the membership of Sweden and Finland, the non-application of sanctions against Russia and also the purchase of Russian weapons.
I congratulate all allies for moving so quickly in accepting the Finnish and Swedish applications for membership and I thank Turkey, Finland and Sweden for their constructive approach. The trilateral memorandum signed at the Madrid Summit made it possible to sign the accession protocol.
Turkey is an important and valued ally. It has the second largest army in NATO and is strategically located, bordering Iraq, Syria and the Black Sea. It plays a major role in the fight against terrorism, including against ISIS. No other ally has suffered more from terrorism, is more exposed to instability and violence from the Middle East, and no other ally has received more refugees than Turkey. Turkey also provides essential contributions to NATO operations, with air bases for our fight against ISIS, contributing to our operations in Kosovo and our advisory activities in support of Iraqi security forces. Turkey has been a dedicated NATO ally for decades, cooperating with other allies to solve the most pressing security challenges. It has also provided the Ukrainian side with strong military support, and I welcome Turkey's efforts to ease the global food rush by negotiating safe passage for Ukrainian grain, which is stuck in the country because of Russia.
You warned that the Russian invasion could last for years and that the allies would support Ukraine no matter what. Considering prices and the energy crisis, as well as public opinion, do you think that support for Ukraine will be unanimous for as long as it takes? Also, what is your forecast, when the end of the Russian war could end?
It is impossible to predict how long the war in Ukraine will last and what the long-term consequences will be. What is important is that we continue to support Ukraine as long as necessary. Of course, all the military, economic and humanitarian support we provide to Ukraine comes at a high cost, but the cost of not supporting Ukraine would be far greater. This would mean rewarding Russia for attacking a sovereign and independent nation of 40 million people, and it would be against our own security interests, as it would make Europe more vulnerable to aggressive Russian behavior.
The price we pay by continuing to support Ukraine can be measured in money. The price Ukrainians pay is measured in lives lost every day.
There are those who claim that NATO caused the Russian invasion. Pope Francis said that NATO's positioning was one of the factors in Russia's decision to attack. Do you see any personal or institutional responsibility for the way things turned out?
NATO has been striving for better relations with Russia for decades. We established the NATO-Russia Council, we agreed on the Founding Act of NATO-Russia and we called on Russia to work together to strengthen security in the Euro-Atlantic area, but Russia gave up on building greater trust and partnership as well as closer joint cooperation. I deeply regret that.
For many years, Russia used violence and intimidation. It is now waging a brutal war against Ukraine, which seriously undermines international security and stability and is a brazen violation of international law. Russia's gruesome cruelty has produced immeasurable human suffering and mass displacement, disproportionately affecting women and children. Russia bears full responsibility for this humanitarian disaster. He must immediately stop this war and withdraw from Ukraine.
We remain willing to keep communication channels open with Moscow in order to manage and mitigate risks, prevent escalation and increase transparency. However, any change in our relations depends on Russia stopping its aggression and fully respecting international law.
What are you most proud of during your eight years at the head of NATO? Is there anything you can't stand? Do you have any advice for your successor?
Leading an Alliance of 30 countries and a billion inhabitants is a responsibility that I take very seriously and I remain 100 percent focused on my job as Secretary General. There will be time in the future to summarize the results.
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