All open issues between Montenegro and Croatia are of equal priority, and it would be ideal if all unresolved issues were to start and be resolved immediately, said Vanda Babić Galić, special advisor to the Croatian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
He believes that the change of government has "mentally" changed the position of Croats in Montenegro, that "the environment is reminiscent of 1991" and that daily messages "not only scare the Croatian community, but also the Montenegrin community, which is trying to erase itself with a big eraser".
In an interview for "Slobodna Dalmacija", she said, among other things, that Croatia, with its international reputation and experience, will do everything to make Montenegro a part of the European family, where it belongs.
He also says that Montenegro is "the biggest state victim of Greater Serbia", because "by violent annexation it was abolished as a state that was a kingdom at the time". He points out that the text on the memorial plaque in Morinje in every word "outlines Montenegro's confrontation with those dark days and clearly indicates whose project or 'world' it is, from which, unfortunately, Montenegro has not yet recovered".
"From Montenegrin independence in 2006 until today, Croatia wholeheartedly supports Montenegro in Euro-Atlantic integration. Perhaps it is necessary to point out that every bilateral step is agreed upon and it is usually a well-thought-out and coordinated move. The scenario that was prepared before the arrival of the Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Croatia and the Minister of Defense Ivan Anušić and the Minister of Foreign and European Affairs Gordan Grlić Radman resulted in a clear message from the Croatian government. The Montenegrin state is very young, but its diplomacy is experienced and I believe that it will use the next opportunity for a bilateral meeting with the Deputy Prime Minister in a more constructive way," said Vanda. Babić Galić.
"Here, I would rather ask the question why Minister Krapović reacted like that and further tied himself up with a statement on the official website of the Government of Montenegro that he does not accept the negotiations regarding the school ship 'Jadran'... because accepting the negotiations means accepting the possibility that the 'Jadran' will not be Montenegrin ...'. I think this needs no comment! Let me remind you that the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense Ivan Anušić was the prime minister's representative on the Day of the Croatian People, and the Minister of Foreign and European Affairs Gordan Grlić Radman held scheduled meetings with representatives of the municipal authorities of Kotor and Tivat and with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro, Filip Ivanović, who were very constructive and promising. Thus, on the one hand, we had a clear message to Montenegro when it comes to our open and unresolved issues, and on the other hand, we showed the importance that the indigenous Croatian community, which the largest number is in Boka," she added.
SD: Admiral Dragan Samardžić was the first in Montenegro to call for caution and pointed out the need to take Croatian invitations to talks seriously. Moreover, he said that the Montenegrin argumentation in the case of the school ship "Jadran" is dangerous and wrong. Is it some new turn in the relationship?
Babić Galić: Admiral Samardžić should be thanked for not remaining silent and for pointing out some important facts. With his performance, he made a significant part of the Montenegrin public aware. He said out loud some facts that we have been trying to explain for years. However, the turn in the relations of the new Montenegrin government with the Republic of Croatia was announced by Minister Krapović and the majority of Montenegrin leaders of the current government, who unitedly stood in his defense. Admiral Samardžić, on the other hand, made possible the turnaround of the former Montenegrin political nomenclature, which is now in the opposition and currently has no decision-making power. The regret remains, but also the question why the ruling structure to which the admiral belonged did not resolve all open issues with Croatia in more than 20 years. The current Montenegrin government has a bunch of "skeletons in the closet" with our name written on them. I tend to believe that they will begin to solve them systematically and rationally.
With his performance, Admiral Samardžić made a serious breach in the barrier of the current Montenegrin defense regarding their legitimate right to appropriate illegally stolen property from the territory and waters of the Republic of Croatia. After the separation of Serbia and Montenegro, legislation was passed that legalized the further disposal of other people's illegally seized military property. In his public speech, Admiral Samardžić points out that "... Montenegro did not 'hijack' or 'steal' any ship from Croatia, but legally became the owner of the military property of the former SFRY, based on the Constitutional Charter of the State Union of SiCG, which specified that the property FRY on the territory of the member states property of the member states according to the territorial principle". This position was expressed in 2008 by the Montenegrin ambassador to the Republic of Croatia. From the rich archives of the Council for the Succession of Military Property, I would like to single out the answer of the retired battleship captain Stjepan Bernadić, otherwise the branch coordinator for the succession of the JRM, who publicly asks why "... the principle of 'territorial overlap' applies only to Serbia and Montenegro and the division of military property between them two states, and it does not apply to the relations of those two states towards other successor states. Concretely, it turns out that Serbia and Montenegro first got hold of rich war booty, as a result of merciless looting of the other successor states, and then they introduced internationally valid 'principles' of dividing the same, which is important today referring to them. It would be very interesting if his Excellency, urbi et orbi, would explain why the 'principle of territorial encroachment' is valid only from the moment when almost all movable assets of the JNA have been safely transferred to the territory of Serbia and Montenegro, but not before that".
SD: Croatia did not present its arguments publicly; only journalists advertised about it. Why?
Babić Galić: Why should we? So far, the Montenegrin side has not submitted a single relevant argument for the sake of which we should extract any of the studies that, during their lifetime, were made by: professor emeritus Vladimir Đuro Degan (he was a leading expert on succession law in the territory of the former state), or prof. Ph.D. sc. Kažimir Pribilović, the captain of the battleship in peace - the legend of the Lore of Split, the only historian in this area who studied the previously known archival material about the b/v "Jadran" and wrote a book about it on the occasion of the ship's 50th anniversary - or academician Davorin Rudolf, leading expert in international maritime law.
Croatia has many times so far, both through direct contacts with the Montenegrin side and through the media, publicly stated its views regarding the determination of ownership rights to the school ship "Jadran". This ship was not a "haunted Dutchman" and did not wander aimlessly in the Adriatic. It was based in Lora and attached to the Military Naval Academy in Split. From 1933, when it set sail, until 1990, when it went to Tivat for a regular overhaul, it was based exclusively at naval training centers, from Dubrovnik, Pula, Šibenik, Divulje to Lora. It was exclusively a teaching tool that was serviced/repaired at the authorized service center: Naval Technical Repair Facility "Sava Kovačević" in Tivat. After the overhaul was completed, it should have been returned to Split, where it organically belongs and deals with its fundamental tasks - training cadets! The fact that Montenegro forcibly appropriated it and later turned it into a ship for "funerals and weddings" speaks for itself. Of course, this is an extremely simplified interpretation, adapted to public needs.
As far as I know in closed meetings, the Montenegrin side - which asked us every time not to inform the public about those meetings, especially not theirs because, well, they are having parliamentary elections, then presidential, then local - was much more detailed and expert briefed on Croatian positions. Back in 2018, we explained to the Montenegrin delegation the unsustainability of their reliance on the Constitutional Charter of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro from 2003, by which the Republic of Serbia is the successor of the FRY. A series of provisions from their legislation, including the "Decision on the Declaration of Independence", established that: "Montenegro will apply and take over international treaties and agreements concluded and acceded to by the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, which relate to Montenegro Goru and which are in accordance with its legal order". The contract on matters of succession is certainly one of such contracts and it refers to Montenegro. Article 63 of the Constitutional Charter stipulates that after the entry into force of the Constitutional Charter, all rights and obligations of the FRY transfer to Serbia and Montenegro, in accordance with the Constitutional Charter. Annex A of the Agreement on matters of succession was discussed, but not only Art. 3. - worshiped by Siniša Luković - but also art. 4. which has two items. The Montenegrin side had no further objections at that time. It's a shame that they didn't take journalist Luković with them to expertly explain to Croats what "passive identification" is.
SD: Are relations with Montenegro entering a new phase? Why only now?
Babić Galić: Nothing dramatic happened in our approach to Montenegro, only their political structures raised a lot of noise because of our clear stance on open issues. Croatia wants to remain the main advocate of Montenegro on its Euro-Atlantic path and has never, and will not, accept the unacceptable. But with his international reputation and his experience, he will do everything to make Montenegro a part of the European family, where it belongs. The facts you mentioned are not encouraging, even worrying, but Montenegro will have to clean up its own internal roads, as well as the road by which it wants to enter the European family.
SD: What is open and unresolved in relationships?
Babić Galić: Open questions are known. The school ship "Jadran" and the offshore tug "Orada" are only two shared items in the large shared mass of material and technical resources, weapons and military equipment of the former JNA. It should be kept in mind that the Technical Administration of SSNO monitored about 700.000 individual items. The expert group for the succession of the JRM (at the Ministry of Defense) separated about 250 distribution items and determined the exact territorial distribution for all of them, then the size, as well as estimated the value and, finally, created a proposal for the distribution balance. The Montenegrin side has never done something like that, because they thought they would never need it. That is why they are unprepared for any negotiations in which a third, independent party would participate - international arbitrators, courts... And while we can present carefully prepared analytical and documentation bases for negotiations before international arbitrators, Montenegro can only attach the Constitutional Charter. What effect it would have on international arbitrators, and it is the same in all other areas, ie unresolved bilateral issues, would be worth seeing!
SD: What are our priorities in relation to open issues with Montenegro and when could these issues be on the agenda?
Babić Galić: All open issues with Montenegro are of equal priority and it would be ideal if all unresolved issues were to be resolved immediately. If it is clear that due to the "emotional charge" on both sides, as in the case of the school ship "Jadran", it will not be possible to reach a mutually acceptable solution, let's immediately include a "third party" by agreement and commit in advance that the offered solution "third parties" to be accepted and implemented by one and the other country. Enough of wisecracks and listening to the "expert" advice of those "who have read one book", even though that one read book was not of legal content. We need to stop raising tensions and making "populist political statements", as Admiral Samardžić would say: "... for the sake of short-term applause from enraged groups and the favor of the electorate". The Government of the Republic of Croatia and our relevant ministries, especially the Minister of Foreign and European Affairs Grlić Radman and the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense Anušić are working in a coordinated, systematic and long-term manner on all issues, and Minister Grlić Radman is already in the fifth year of his mandate very successfully conducting talks with his Montenegrin colleagues, closes chapters in a way that brings Montenegro into the European family.
SD: Is their entry into the EU the deadline for solving these issues?
Babić Galić: Well, in order to enter a society, you need to learn its manners. Therefore, respect for European values is the lower limit of political decency and culture, and that will be the minimum we are looking for.
SD: Before the elections, two ministers from the previous government put up a memorial plaque to the captured Croatian veterans and civilians imprisoned in the Morinj camp. Her text amnesties Montenegro as a participant in the Great Serbian aggression and presents it as a victim by claiming that the aggression was committed (only) to "disgrace the name and spirit of Montenegro". Why did Croatia agree to such a text?
Babić Galić: When we talk about the camps, you should know that thousands of Croatian veterans and civilians passed through the Serbian camps in Serbia and Vojvodina, the most famous of which are Stajićevo and Srijemska Mitrovica. To this day, Serbia denies the existence of those camps and does not allow any expression of piety towards the victims. On the other hand, Croatian veterans and civilians from the Dubrovnik area were mostly imprisoned in the Morinj and Bileći camps in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, unfortunately, almost no one talks about the camp in Bileća, while verdicts have been pronounced for the Morinj camp and some compensation has been paid, although not all and not to everyone yet.
Since 2021, when the Croatian National Council organized a memorial day, until today the Croatian and Montenegrin authorities have been commemorating the sacrifice of Marine interns in an appropriate way. In Greater Serbian ideologies, only one nation has never participated and does not, but individuals from different nations, and Greater Serbian aggression is the correct name for everything that happened during the Homeland War in these areas. And, if we are talking about the spirit of Montenegro, you should know that because of the aggression against Dubrovnik and against the war with Croatia, a protest rally was organized in Cetinje with more than 5.000 people, with the message "From Lovćen vila they cry, forgive us, Dubrovnik!". Those who then organized the protest in Cetinje put up a plaque and its text, because the true spirit of Montenegrins is not a Greater Serbian project. This is evidenced by the monument to the victims of the Christmas Uprising, where the bones of those who defended the name and spirit of Montenegro in 1918, which the Great Serbian aggressor tried to appropriate at that time, are there.
Therefore, Montenegro is the biggest state victim of Greater Serbia because it was abolished as a state that was a kingdom by violent annexation. From then until today, those who are honorable and in the spirit of true Montenegro live in Montenegro, as well as those who, since 1918, have dressed Montenegro in some other people's uniforms. The text on the memorial plaque in every word outlines Montenegro's confrontation with those dark days and clearly indicates whose project or "world" it is, from which, unfortunately, Montenegro has not yet recovered.
SD: You recently attended the Tripunda festivities - what is the position of Croats in Montenegro today? Has the change of government changed the position of our compatriots?
Babić Galić: Mentally, yes, the environment is reminiscent of 1991. You yourself outlined the structure of government at all levels, as well as the daily messages that not only scare the Croatian community, but also the Montenegrin community, which is trying to erase itself with a big eraser. This is perhaps best seen in the example of the Faculty of Montenegrin Language and Literature and what is happening to colleagues Čirgić, Radoman and Batrićević. Our man is used to blizzards, threats and, unlike in 1991, he was organized into the Croatian National Council of Montenegro and the Croatian Civic Initiative. And we as a country are completely different from '91. and we take care of the Croatian community, their rights, not just with words, but systematically, seriously and unquestionably.
SD: Is it true that the Croatian corps divided politically? To the extent that HGI is perceived in the other part of our corps, and in the wider Montenegrin public, as a branch of Đukanović's DPS?
Babić Galić: I think the recent election results speak for the strength of the Croatian citizens' initiative. Never better than 2002! Until now, the Croatian corps in Montenegro was not as strongly connected and unified as it is today, which is also a response to the environment in which the indigenous Croatian community is located. Only those who do not know the situation on the ground can talk about the fact that the HGI was or is an extended arm of the DPS. In all important issues for the national community, HGI was on the side of the Croats of Montenegro, those it represents on the Montenegrin political scene. If it refers to their commitment to the presidential candidate, then it is also some voice from a distant comfortable armchair that does not breathe the fog and air from the corner of Boka or Bar where Croats live. There is no division, and if you mean the so-called division from Amfilohi's time in the penultimate elections, it remained a trace in the records and a stain on the biographies of those who wanted to harm Montenegro, as well as the Croatian community as a whole, through manipulation.
SD: Minister of Justice Andrej Milović was expelled from the ruling party this week because, among other things, he said that the attack on Dubrovnik is a historical shame for Montenegro and that this crime does not expire and he wants to bring the culprits to justice. The state president Jakov Milatović also left the party, dissatisfied with its functioning. What's going on there?
Babić Galić: The statement of the Minister of Justice Milović is a strong contribution to the Europeanization of the political life of Montenegro and the improvement of our relations. His expulsion, as well as Milatović's leaving the party, is an internal issue that we do not go into, but such a development of the situation, unfortunately, still indicates that Montenegro is entering a new period of political instability.
Bonus video:
