Identity issues are certainly Montenegro’s internal matters. What I can say, though, is that these issues are not new, they have been discussed, and will continue to be discussed. This is normal, especially in multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies like Montenegro. Yet, Montenegro has shown, time and time again, that unity trumps divisions and that there is much more that unites you than pulls you apart. What is very important is not to let those issues take centre stage in the political debate in the country. What should be centre stage and what has been centre stage in the past year, is moving decisively towards the European Union. And this ambition in shared by the overwhelming majority of your people.
This was said by the ambassador of the European Union in Montenegro in an interview with "Vijesta", conducted by e-mail Johan Satler, answering the question of what is his message to the part of the government that every now and then raises identity topics that deepen polarization in society.
He said that it is good to be optimistic because of the received IBAR and the positive progress report, but that this optimism, which "raises expectations... should be accompanied by substance", repeating that "one should not get carried away".
"We still have a huge task ahead of us. In addition to political focus, broad support and discipline, significant administrative capacity and perseverance will be needed to establish and implement dozens of laws and decisions that will bring the political and economic system of Montenegro closer to those of the EU member states," said Satler.
He pointed out that he believes that the political leaders of Montenegro understand very well that joining the European Union is not a job for one party or one leader.
"Either the government and the opposition will be responsible for it, or there will be no credit at all," he said.
Answering the question whether there is any truth in the claims that the government in Serbia interferes in the internal affairs of Montenegro and the plan for Montenegro to become another Republika Srpska, a puppet of Belgrade and Moscow, Satler said: "We expect all candidate countries for accession to promote good-neighborly relations and to refrain from any interference in the internal political affairs of their neighbors".
1. What are the three biggest obstacles in Montenegro that could prevent it from closing four negotiation chapters by the end of the year, the rest by 2026, and becoming an EU member by 2028? Why? What are the possible obstacles within the EU and beyond, including geopolitical ones?
While challenges certainly exist, let me first underline the enormity of the opportunity that presents itself to Montenegro and that the country would not want to miss.
On the one hand, Russia’s a war of aggression waged on the European soil, has led the EU Member States to think of EU enlargement as a geopolitical imperative. On the other, Montenegro has an ambitious government, with unprecedented support in the Parliament, a pro-European opposition and a huge majority of the citizens supporting EU reforms.
Yet, just having ambitions and a strong desire to join the EU will not cut it. However willing the EU may be to enlarge, enlargement is still a merit-based process and Montenegro will have to put in the hard work needed to complete all the required EU-related reforms.
You will need to convince all EU Member States that the country is capable of putting in place and implementing the same legal rules that apply across our Union.
2. Does the current government have the will, capacity, and human resources to build institutions legislatively and practically in a little over two years, something that hasn’t been achieved in over XNUMX years? Why do you think so?
It is important to note that the EU accession is not just a question of big political decisions. A candidate country needs to demonstrate the capacity, focus and stamina to pass dozens of laws and ensure their consistent implementation across a range of policy area, under the so-called “technical chapters”, ranging anywhere from environmental protection to food safety and cyber security.
Whereas the government and the opposition share the responsibility, and credit, for the key political decisions, the capacity and focus of the public administration is clearly the responsibility of the executive branch.
If Montenegro wants to follow through on its ambitious EU agenda, it will need to adopt all the laws and make all EU-related decisions with good speed and high quality. To give you just one example, in order to close a particular chapter at a projected time, Montenegro will need to do adopt all the relevant laws and complete all the work required for closing that particular chapter four months in advance. Otherwise, it risks postponements and delays in its ambitious plan to close all chapters by the end of XNUMX.
3. To what extent can disagreements within the government, as noted in the progress report, jeopardize achieving this goal? Why? What can the European Commission and the EU Delegation do to prevent this?
Political disagreements are part and parcel of any democracy. But, so is dialogue and consensus building on the key issues that affect the lives and livelihoods of all citizens. According to an overwhelming majority of your citizens, Montenegro’s EU accession tops this list.
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However heated political debates get, political stakeholders should never lose sight of the fact that all of the country’s greatest achievements were realised when unity was in the focus. The people of Montenegro are already united around the country’s EU future. Now the politicians need to follow suit and come together around the same goal.
The EU will certainly support all sincere and inclusive efforts for the key political stakeholders to rally behind a common platform that would ensure shared focus and discipline in supporting the key EU-related reforms.
<strong>4. At the press conference with the Prime Minister, you said that it’s not the time to get “carried away” with drafting Montenegro's EU accession treaty, which may have been emphasized by Montenegrin officials to create the impression that Montenegro's membership is a done deal. Do you feel that there has been too much euphoria and self-satisfaction since obtaining the IBAR, especially following the positive progress report, without diminishing the achieved success? Is this attitude conducive to successfully finishing this “game”?<strong>
I am a glass-half-full type of person. Positivity in itself helps you move forward. But, obviously, it needs to be accompanied by substance. I like very much the positive energy and enthusiasm that is present here. This is essential for harnessing and sustaining popular support, but it also inevitably raises the expectations.
It’s fair to say that enormous work has been done to earn a positive IBAR. And, perhaps, more importantly Montenegro has rediscovered the recipe for successes. It has proved to itself and to others that great things happen for the country when hard work is invested and political stakeholders chose to put their differences aside for public good.
But, I still say, let’s not get carried away. The task ahead remains paramount. In addition to the political focus, broad support and discipline, it will also take a lot of administrative capacity and stamina to put in place and implement dozens of laws and decisions that will bring Montenegro’s political and economic system in line with those of the EU Member States.
<strong>5. Certain parts of the government periodically bring up identity issues that divide Montenegrin society—such as the demand to make the Serbian language official, even through a “constitutional assembly,” to introduce national quotas in the police and army, or to remove the Montenegrin flag from parliament and display flags of other countries in officials’ offices—deepening polarization, also noted in the report. What is your message to this part of the government? Why is this being done? Is now the right time for such demands, which they claim are legitimate but critics argue lead to the “ethno-federalization” of Montenegro and the loss of its civic character if realized?<strong>
Identity issues are certainly Montenegro’s internal matters. What I can say, though, is that these issues are not new, they have been discussed, and will continue to be discussed. This is normal, especially in multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies like Montenegro. Yet, Montenegro has shown, time and time again, that unity trumps divisions and that there is much more that unites you than pulls you apart. What is very important is not to let those issues take centre stage in the political debate in the country. What should be centre stage and what has been centre stage in the past year, is moving decisively towards the European Union. And this ambition in shared by the overwhelming majority of your people.
You have every reason to take pride in the civic structure of your country, which not only celebrates Montenegro’s beautiful diversity, but serves as a key asset for the future.
<strong>6. The opposition strongly reacts to the “provocations” mentioned in the previous question, threatening to boycott parliament and resist by all means if “red lines” are crossed, for instance, regarding the introduction of dual citizenship. If such potential chaos arises, it will be difficult to pass certain legislative and constitutional changes, as opposition votes are also necessary, and the attention of politicians and institutions might not be fully focused on quickly meeting negotiation benchmarks. What is your message to the opposition?
I believe that Montenegro’s political leaders understand very well that the EU accession is not a job for a single party or leader. Either both the government and the opposition will take credit for it, or there will be no credit to take.
Luckily, Montenegro has a pro-European government leadership, but also a pro-European opposition. If Montenegro is to meet its ambitious agenda to close all negotiating chapters by the end of XNUMX, we will need to see words backed up by concrete political actions from both sides. We have seen with the recent census and the IBAR laws that when the government is serious about pushing for reforms and when the opposition is constructive and supportive great things can happen for the country.
7. Critics of the government in Serbia, some analysts, and Montenegrin opposition claim that Serbia is heavily interfering in Montenegro's internal affairs, deliberately creating instability with inflammatory statements by officials and through its media and partners within certain circles, with allegations that this is part of a plan to turn Montenegro into another Republika Srpska, a puppet of Belgrade and Moscow. Is there any truth to this, considering you recently did the same job in Bosnia and Herzegovina? If so, why does Brussels tolerate what some describe as an autocratic regime in Serbia?
Montenegro is a sovereign country and its future is in the EU. We expect all accession countries to promote good neighbourly relations and refrain from any interference in the internal political affairs of their neighbours.
<strong>8. How can Montenegro smooth relations with Croatia to avoid the possibility of Zagreb slowing down or even blocking its European path?<strong>
Good neighbourly relations is the DNA of the European project. Maintaining good relations with the neighbour EU Member State Croatia is certainly an essential part of Montenegro’s European integration process.
Croatia has always been among the staunchest supporters of Montenegro’s EU accession path. I am confident that Montenegro is serious about reaching out to its friend and neighbour and finding mutually acceptable solutions for different open issues.
Montenegro never received "bread without a hoe"
9.What would you say to those who claim that Montenegro would be doing a disservice if it were to become a member of the EU if it was insufficiently reformed, because, as in some other cases of admission of insufficiently prepared countries, the EU would lose the leverage it has while membership negotiations are ongoing?
The EU was certainly not turning a blind eye on the IBAR. There was a thorough assessment by the Commission services, as well as by the Member States. We saw a very substantial work being done by the government and a broad party support in the Parliament. That was no small feat and all stakeholders deserve the credit.
On the other hand, however well-deserved the IBAR may have been, a few important IBAR-related commitments remain to be delivered, including the adoption of Law on Financing of Pol Parties and selection of Supreme Court President. We expect swift follow up on these two issues. Furthermore, let’s not forget that with the IBAR we are talking about the interim benchmarks. The rule of law still remains very much centre stage for the entire accession process and critical work on the rule of law chapters XNUMX and XNUMX needs to continue for Montenegro to meet the closing benchmarks.
That is why Montenegro, before joining the EU, should make sure that it is fully capable of fulfilling all obligations and enjoying all the benefits of EU membership. In this way, they will be able to contribute the most to our Union and get the most benefit from membership.
I am sure of Montenegro's intention to approach Croatia and find solutions
10.What would you say to those who argue that Montenegro would be done a disservice if it were to become an EU member without sufficient reforms, as, in some cases of accession by insufficiently prepared countries, the EU loses leverage that it holds during membership negotiations?
If I know anything about Montenegro, the country has never had a free lunch and its achievements were hard earned and well deserved. And this is not just a matter of national pride. When a country joins the EU, that’s when its legal responsibility to implement all standards, rules, and uphold EU values truly begins.
That’s why, before joining the EU, Montenegro needs to make sure that it is fully capable of meeting all the commitments and enjoying all the benefits of EU membership. That is how it will be able to contribute most to our Union and get the most of its membership.
If everything needed for the chapters is not completed 4 months earlier, the plan may not be realized by 2026
Does the current government have the will, capacity and human resources to legally and factually build the institutions that it failed to build in more than 30 years in just over two years?
It is important to emphasize that EU accession is not only a matter of major political decisions. The candidate country must demonstrate the ability, focus and perseverance to enact dozens of laws and ensure their consistent application in various areas of public policy, through so-called "technical chapters", covering everything from environmental protection to food safety and cyber security.
While the Government and the opposition share both responsibility and credit for key policy decisions, the ability and focus of public administration is clearly the responsibility of the executive.
If Montenegro wants to consistently implement its ambitious European agenda, it will have to adopt all laws and make all decisions related to the EU with good dynamics and high quality.
For example, in order to close a chapter within the planned period, Montenegro will have to adopt all relevant laws and complete all necessary activities to close that chapter four months earlier.
Otherwise, there is a risk of delays and delays in the ambitious plan to close all chapters by the end of 2026.
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