INTERVIEW Ivanovic: Pastors shouldn't worry, we will serve our term

The Europe Now Movement (PES) is consistently implementing its own and the Government's work program, and the government is functioning well and intends to fulfill its entire mandate in this composition.

This was told to "Vijesti" by the Vice President of the Executive for Foreign and European Affairs and a member of the PES Presidency, Filip Ivanovic.

Referring to assessments that his party has neither integrity nor the strength to oppose its coalition partners from the former Democratic Front (DF), he told "concerned analysts who are burdened with the fate of PES" that there is no need to worry about their integrity.

In an interview conducted via email, Ivanovic said that he expects the parties in power at the state level to begin talks on forming a government in Nikšić, stating that the election of the mayor of a municipality is a matter of coalition agreement, "in accordance with the democratic principle that the strongest political entity in the coalition proposes a candidate for mayor, as was recently the case in Berane or Podgorica."

Are you satisfied with the PES result in the elections in Nikšić, in which your party achieved the third best result in that municipality (the strongest are DPS and the former DF), winning over five thousand votes?

I share the opinion of our list leader, the esteemed Dr. Zoran Mrkić, that the result of PES is somewhat below expectations, or rather what we offered to the citizens. However, I do not think that this result is bad, especially considering that, at the beginning of the campaign, certain analysts and political entities opposing us predicted a significantly worse result. Therefore, in relation to the underestimation of our political competitors, and in the context of a very intense and sometimes aggressive campaign by other parties and coalitions, the result of PES is solid, especially considering that our party participated in the local elections in Nikšić for the first time.

We presented very high-quality people, led by the leader of the list, we had a concrete program and we ran a principled and positive campaign. What is also important is that this result provides us with significant participation in the future local government, and it will be an opportunity to present ourselves to the people of Nikšić in the next four years at the level of municipal, and not only state, administration. In the long term, I have no doubt that our participation in local self-government will ensure a significant increase in citizens' trust and a better result in the next elections.

How do you explain the fact that PES lost almost four and a half thousand votes in Nikšić compared to the national elections?

It is ungrateful to talk about the results by comparing national and local elections. The political context, participants, turnout, the nature of the campaign and numerous other factors differ significantly. For example, at the time of the previous Nikšić elections, PES did not even exist, while in the 2023 parliamentary elections, there were certain lists on the ballot that either did not participate in the local elections this year or were part of some larger political alliances, which partly explains the increase in the number of votes that these alliances won compared to the elections two years ago. Three groups that do not represent parties at the state level also participated in these elections. Moreover, we already have previous experiences when, in certain cycles, parliamentary and local elections were held on the same day, and the same lists won different numbers of votes.

So, all in all, the analysis of the local elections in Nikšić cannot be reduced to simple addition or subtraction, compared to the parliamentary elections, but rather implies a deeper multidimensional view of the results. In PES, we will certainly pay due attention to this.

Do you share the opinion of some colleagues from PES that former DF official Marko Kovačević should not remain at the helm of Nikšić? Why?

PES is a party in which individuals - whether officials or members - not only have the right, but are expected to do so, to independently consider all issues of importance for the socio-political context in which we operate. These individual considerations are then confronted in the party bodies, in a free and democratic atmosphere, in order to ultimately crystallize a unified position. One such issue is support for a specific candidate for the performance of a certain function. Regardless of individual opinions, the election of the president of a municipality is a matter of coalition agreement, and in accordance with the democratic principle that the strongest political entity of the coalition proposes a candidate for the president of the municipality, as was the case recently in Berane or Podgorica. In any case, I expect that the parties that jointly exercise power at the state level will also begin discussions on the formation of the local government in Nikšić, within which personnel solutions for the most responsible functions will certainly be considered.

How do you view the assessments of some political commentators that your party lacks integrity or the strength to oppose its coalition partners from the former DF? If you believe that these assessments are unfounded, what, specifically, major moves has PES made that were contrary to the interests of the former DF?

It seems to me that we have recently entered a new zone of political analytics, which implies a paradoxical idea that we have not had the opportunity to hear before, namely that it is expected and desirable for coalition partners in power to antagonize each other. Such a view is truly innovative and in this sense, we should give credit to certain analysts and commentators. After the formation of the parliamentary majority, we have been hearing for months that the DF has become an appendage and a service to the PES, that is, Prime Minister Spajić, and in recent months we have been hearing the same thing, only with the roles reversed. I would say that these “analyses” are a reflection of powerlessness in the face of the surprise that the current government is functioning well and intends to fulfill its entire mandate in this composition.

On the other hand, it is natural that there are differences between the partners, which is why we are different political entities, just as it is natural that each member of the coalition tries to implement as much of its election program as possible within the government, which is why it received a certain number of votes. It is also natural that certain ideas do not receive the support of all coalition partners. The current government operates on the basis of a clearly defined coalition agreement and I think that it is generally respected. I would like to remind you that progress in European integration, the implementation of the “Europe Now 2” program and a breakthrough in the areas of rule of law and the fight against organized crime and corruption were key elements of the PES pre-election program, and that they are being successfully implemented. On the other hand, I could reformulate your last sub-question and ask what potentially controversial moves by other coalition partners received the support of the PES and were thus implemented. So, in conclusion, PES is consistently implementing its program and the government's work program, the parliamentary majority is successfully operating within the framework of the coalition agreement, and I would like to say to the concerned analysts who are burdened with the fate of PES that there is no need to worry about our integrity.

Do you think that cooperation with the former DF benefits PES or does it damage its image and that your party is losing support because of it?

As I mentioned earlier, the current parliamentary majority, which is the largest since the beginning of political pluralism in Montenegro, is composed of diverse parties, which have their own specificities and legitimate particular political interests, but which are united around a clear magisterial vision of Montenegro as a state of all its citizens, the first subsequent member of the EU, a state of the rule of law and social justice, and a constant increase in living standards. These principles are also incorporated into the coalition agreement that defines the functioning of the government and intra-coalition relations. The issue of citizen support is a relative issue, because the answer to it is received in every election cycle, both at the local and state levels. In this sense, I would like to remind you, because it seems to be quickly forgotten, that PES recently earned sufficient citizen support to secure mayoral positions in Podgorica and Berane, where it exercises power with partners at the state level. Therefore, this answer is never one-dimensional and cannot be reduced only to cooperation or non-cooperation with a political entity. I am of the opinion that the image of PES is not, nor should it be, of a relational character, i.e. that it is built or damaged through relationships with others, but that it is necessary for our movement to lead a serious and independent policy, to fulfill its promises, and to continuously analyze its own moves, in order to draw the best lessons for the future.

How do you assess the cooperation so far with the parties of the former DF and the head of parliament and one of those parties, Andrija Mandić?

I think that cooperation with all partners, including the ZBCG (For the Future of Montenegro) coalition, has yielded very good and concrete results. I would like to remind you that the parliamentary majority, led by the PES, successfully conducted the census and achieved social and political consensus on respecting its results, efficiently made key appointments in the judiciary, adopted a whole series of laws that were a prerequisite for a positive IBAR (Interim Benchmark Assessment Report), achieved an improvement in the living standards of citizens through the “Europe Now 2” program, i.e. through an increase in pensions and salaries, adopted a very high-quality budget for this year, and, through a willingness to dialogue and compromise, ensured the return of the opposition to the parliament, although this was not necessary for the smooth operation of the parliament.

These are just some of the positive results of the ruling coalition, the implementation of which required hard work, but also the agreement of all coalition partners, and for many of them the good functioning of the parliament was of key importance. Despite the already mentioned differences and occasional disagreements on certain issues, I believe that the coalition operates stably and successfully, for which all coalition partners are responsible, but primarily PES, as the largest constituent of the government with the most departments in the Government.

Methodologist Miloš Bešić said a few days ago that PES, "as an authentic representative of civic Montenegro", must consider further moves, because, as he assessed, "it is obvious that in the bloc division (between DPS and DF) they have a process of casting their votes, a little towards one, a little towards the other". What are you ready to do to stop "wasting" votes?

I would agree with the assessment that PES is an authentic representative of civic Montenegro, and this is a character that we nurture and encourage at all levels of our party. Centrist parties always, in every political milieu, face numerous challenges, which are often reflected in the fluctuation of voter support. These shifts in the electorate, however, are not unidirectional or of the same intensity, but depend on the electoral context, on the issues that are in focus at a given moment, but also, when it comes to local elections, on the strength of the party infrastructure in a particular municipality, etc. Therefore, I am not inclined to adopt a fatalistic perspective in which PES irreversibly “spilt” votes, but I would emphasize that a party such as ours must constantly renew itself, that is, it must keep up the pace of innovation, fresh ideas and concrete solutions, but also carefully take into account personnel policy, consistent and thorough political behavior, while strengthening the party infrastructure, especially at the local level. These are issues that we are thinking about very intensively in PES and which will be the focus of our internal party activities in the coming period. With quality ideas, an inclusive approach to membership and dedicated work, I believe that in the next elections in 2027, PES will maintain its leading position on the political scene, meaning that there is serious potential to repeat or surpass the result from 2023.

Was there a consensus in the PES regarding the agreements with the United Arab Emirates on economic and tourism cooperation, which are opposed by a part of the Montenegrin public? If not, who opposed it?

There is an absolute consensus in the PES that Montenegro must be built as an attractive and safe destination for serious and credible investors. As is known, the Prime Minister Milojko Spajic led the talks with the UAE, which resulted in the aforementioned agreements. Of course, we discussed cooperation with the UAE within the PES and, as is natural, the Prime Minister introduced the party leadership, members of the Government and the parliamentary group to various aspects of this cooperation and the potential economic and financial benefits from the expected investments. PES has confidence in Prime Minister Spajić and his vision for the development of Montenegro, including through cooperation with the UAE. I think that our public has been able to see this in the past few days, through very active and well-argued statements by the relevant ministers, as well as members of our parliamentary group. I also want to reiterate the position already expressed by both the Prime Minister and other party officials, that in the realization and implementation of these agreements, through all their aspects, the state interests of Montenegro and the interests of its citizens will be carefully taken into account.

Could their adoption negatively affect Montenegro's path to the EU, given the opposition of some in the public and the assessment that they are unconstitutional?

It is entirely legitimate to raise issues of wider social importance in public and to express different views, but it is important to distinguish legal assessments from political comments. You have noted well that this is an opposition by a part of the public, which means that our society is not monolithic on this issue, and the right and possibility to express opposition to an idea or intention is the basis of a democratic society and we absolutely respect that. However, we must not allow political perception to replace legal fact.

Therefore, it is necessary that all dilemmas, including those related to constitutionality, be addressed through the mechanisms provided for by law, which in this case is the Constitutional Court. I have nothing against all those who think that these agreements are unconstitutional, submitting appropriate initiatives to the Constitutional Court.

It should also be recalled that many EU member states have similar agreements with the UAE, in areas of strategic importance - energy, infrastructure, tourism and investments. In this sense, this type of cooperation in itself is not, nor can it be, an obstacle to the European path. Let me remind you that about ten days ago the EU and the UAE launched free trade talks, and that the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Lajen said that the negotiations will focus on trade liberalization, investment and deeper cooperation in strategic sectors such as energy, critical raw materials, etc. It is also necessary to emphasize that the Agreement on Cooperation in the Field of Tourism and Real Estate clearly states that the provisions of the Agreement cannot be interpreted or implemented in a manner that would suspend or otherwise affect the obligations under the Stabilization and Association Agreement between Montenegro and the European Community.

The Prime Minister announced that Montenegro could close negotiation chapters with the EU by 2026. Is such an expectation optimistic, given the new geopolitical circumstances caused by the radical change in the US's relationship with Europe?

The goal of closing all negotiation chapters by the end of 2026 is certainly ambitious and demanding, but achievable if there is strong political will, institutional commitment and a serious approach to the necessary reforms. However, it is clear that this process today does not depend solely on domestic efforts, but is also largely shaped by changes on the global level.

The redefinition of transatlantic relations, the need for the EU to consolidate its own space, as well as the geopolitical circumstances caused by the war in Ukraine, make the enlargement of the Union not only a technical but also a strategic issue. In this context, the position of Montenegro, as the country that has advanced the furthest in the negotiations, but also as a factor of stability in the region, gains additional weight. Moreover, I would say that the new momentum in US-EU relations also represents an additional incentive for the EU to work even harder to strengthen its geostrategic position, which can best be achieved by expanding the Union to new members. Therefore, I expect the EU to remain consistent in its commitment to the enlargement policy, because any slowdown or, even worse, a possible pause in the current dynamics of the accession process would seriously and permanently damage the credibility of the EU, and possibly weaken the willingness of the candidate countries to implement reforms. So, in what is currently perceived as a challenge, we should also see a unique opportunity. I have no doubt that Montenegro is absolutely willing and ready to seize this opportunity.

Do you expect Croatia to continue blocking Montenegro on its path to the EU? Has there been any progress in negotiations with Zagreb on resolving contentious issues? If so, which ones, if not, why?

Montenegro and Croatia have a responsibility to resolve outstanding issues through constructive dialogue, in the spirit of mutual respect and European values. While it is clear that certain bilateral issues require additional attention and commitment, there are no formal blockages and it is not useful to present relations between the two countries in public in a way that implies the opposite.

In this regard, I have repeatedly emphasized that Montenegro is strongly committed to the efficient resolution of all potential open issues, with bilateral mechanisms remaining our first choice. However, if such an approach proves to be ineffective, we are ready, in line with European practices and in consultation with our Croatian friends, to consider the use of international instruments.

What I also want to emphasize, and which is a principle of European policy that we have heard repeatedly from EU officials, is that, on the one hand, good neighborly relations and regional cooperation are a prerequisite for European integration, while, on the other hand, the so-called bilateralization of the accession process must be avoided, i.e. the use of potential EU membership as an instrument for conditioning candidate countries on any issue.

Croatia has continuously supported Montenegro's accession to the EU, both on a practical and political level, including through active participation in the informal group "Friends of the Western Balkans", which includes EU members that strongly advocate the European integration of our region. Therefore, I know that Croatia understands the importance of the enlargement policy, recognizes Montenegro's European perspective and, together with other partners, contributes to ensuring that the accession process flows in accordance with the values ​​of the community to which it belongs. Both Montenegro and Croatia have their own national interests that they strive to achieve and which they consistently advocate, but they also have common interests, one of which is to be together in the EU as soon as possible.

As for concrete progress in the talks, communication between Montenegro and Croatia is ongoing, at various levels, taking place in a good spirit, and I believe that our competent institutions will soon be able to announce certain results of that process. Our commitment to dialogue remains firm and principled, but so does the conviction that Montenegro's European future must not and cannot depend solely on bilateral issues.

Facing the legacy of the past responsibly, not through relativization

Should Montenegro have reacted more harshly to the recent message from Croatian Foreign Minister Gordan Grlić Radman that Split's "Lora", where Montenegrin citizens died in the early 1990s, was not a camp, and that "everything related to the events in the prison in 'Lora' has been processed and judged"?

Issues from the wartime past, such as those related to the suffering of Montenegrin citizens in "Lora", require a special level of attention, responsibility and respect for the victims. Statements that minimize the seriousness of these events, from whatever side they come from, do not contribute to reconciliation or an objective view of the past.

I would like to remind you that the Cabinet of the Prime Minister of Montenegro has reacted clearly in this regard, emphasizing that numerous testimonies about the suffering in "Lora" are authentic and confirmed, and that the legal epilogue of these events is still not fully closed. We share the belief that the legacy of the past should be faced responsibly and in a principled manner - not through relativization, but through credible and fair institutional processes.

However, relations between Montenegro and Croatia should not and must not depend on individual statements; our two countries share a common European path, and the foundations of that path must be dialogue, mutual respect and a willingness to resolve even the most sensitive issues in a good-neighborly, dignified and responsible manner. I know that my friend, Gordan Grlić Radman, has the same approach at heart.

Ready for closer cooperation with the Trump administration

Where is Montenegro's place in the new geopolitical circumstances, caused by the moves of US President Donald Trump?

Montenegro must build and present its position carefully, but consistently. Montenegro's place is in the EU, it is our main foreign policy priority, and our country is working diligently on a plan to complete the negotiation process by the end of 2026 and become a member of the Union by 2028.

On the other hand, the United States of America is not only our ally within NATO, but also one of our key strategic partners. Montenegro must and wants to nurture and improve this partnership in the long term, regardless of the changes in Washington. The Government of Montenegro is absolutely ready for the closest possible cooperation with the administration of President Trump and we look forward to the prospect of working together to deepen the allied and friendly ties between Montenegro and the USA.

Therefore, maintaining a focus on the European agenda, commitment to reforms, and consistent commitment to alliances, especially with the USA, are the best way for Montenegro to remain visible and relevant in the new global context, and thus successfully pursue its foreign policy interests.