The public feuds between the Europe Now Movement (PES) and the Democratic People's Party (DNP) reflect long-standing intra-coalition tensions and political outsmarting in which the former seeks to assert dominance and the latter to strengthen its identity profile, but despite their differences, both parties remain committed to preserving power, as common interests continue to take precedence over a possible split.
This was assessed by the interlocutors of "Vijesti" when answering questions about the meaning of the increasingly frequent quarrels between the two ruling parties, whether it is just a show for the public, and whether their "conflict" could have consequences for the government. However, they warn that the continuation of tensions could open up space for changes in the composition of the Government.
A new "spark" among the coalition partners occurred at the end of last week after the president of the DNP Milan Knezevic said that the coalition with PES was the result of political necessity and assessed that the Prime Minister Milojko Spajic would be happier if DNP was not part of the government. A PES official replied to him Tihomir Dragas saying that the parliamentary majority can survive without Knežević, with the message that "it's not good to do anything out of necessity."
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Director of the Center for Democracy and Human Rights (CEDEM) Nevenka Vuksanović She assessed that such messages are a reflection of intra-coalition tensions that have existed since the formation of the Government.
"DNP is trying to demonstrate independence and political weight, while PES is trying to position itself as the central pillar of government that can function without even the smallest partner. Essentially, this is a political trick, not an announcement of a breakup. Beneath the surface, both parties are still cooperating at the operational level," Vuksanović told Vijesti.
Political scientist Miloš Perović assessed that it is obvious that there have been dissonant tones and political fluctuations in the 44th Government for a long time, which is not surprising considering its heterogeneity.
"It is no secret that the DNP has not been voting in parliament for a period of time as is expected in the Government. I have the impression that through its activities within the Government, the DNP is mostly working on positioning itself before voters," said Perović.
He pointed out that the DNP, as a party that inherits more traditional, pro-Serbian and identity-based positions, often publicly opposes the PES's moves that are more pro-European and civic-oriented. "Such behavior can be a strategic move to prove loyalty to their electorate and show that they do not deviate from program principles, even when they are in a coalition," Perović pointed out.
He assessed that this was strengthening their image as a "solid" and principled party.
"And what seems most obvious to me is that by publicly criticizing certain government moves, the DNP, although part of the government, could distance itself from some unpopular PES decisions, primarily economic ones. In this way, if citizens become dissatisfied, the DNP can say 'we criticized that' or 'we were not in favor of that', preserving its rating," Perović pointed out.
PES has not agreed on why they are increasingly the target of public criticism from the DNP and whether the latest argument between Tihomir Dragaš and Milan Knežević means that relations between the two parties have deteriorated.
Knežević's party has not responded whether it will leave the government, given the frequent dissatisfaction they express towards PES and whether and in what way PES is disrupting mutual relations in the ruling coalition.
Last week, Knežević said on A Plus television that the DNP does not intend to leave the government, because after that "representatives of the DPS will immediately enter."
“They are just waiting for an opportunity. Danijelo Živković "The eyes are like a leopard's when it is stalking prey. It is just waiting to fly into the coalition space," said Knežević.
He added that the DNP, with its four MPs and two ministers, has not made "a single anti-fascist, anti-ideological, or anti-programmatic move."
Public performance and positioning
Responding to the question of whether it is a show for the public that the DNP is opposing a stronger coalition partner, Vuksanović said that it is largely a matter of public "positioning".
"DNP wants to present itself to its voters as a factor that does not agree with everything, while PES is using the moment to show that their political stability does not depend on DNP. Such dynamics are not uncommon in coalitions that are linked by pragmatism, not ideological closeness," Vuksanović assessed.
She said that both parties are currently interested in retaining power, without dramatic exits from the coalition.
"However, the continuation of such tensions could open up space for changes in the composition of the Government or the redistribution of political influence within it," Vuksanović assessed.
Miloš Perović says that he would not rule out the thesis that public conflicts could be a way for the DNP to increase its negotiating power within the coalition.
"By showing a willingness to 'complicate' things, they can force more concessions from the PES, whether in the form of ministerial positions, 'deep' positions in the state administration, or the adoption of certain legal solutions," said Perović.
He believes that there will be no concrete consequences for the survival of the 44th Government, stating that there have been bigger crises before, "and it seems that their smallest common denominator, interest and function, is always decisive in the end."
In early April, there were also disagreements between the PES and the DNP, sparked by the prime minister's decision to sign a cooperation agreement with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), announcing that an investor from that country would Mohamed Alabar invest 30 billion euros for projects on Ulcinj's Velika Plaza.
Knežević said at the time that his party was unaware of the agreement and that their representatives in the government were later informed of the initiative.
MP of PES Miodrag Laković He replied that if the DNP or any of the constituents of the ruling majority redefined their relationship to the coalition agreement and "Barometer 26" (a platform on joint commitments to complete negotiations with the EU), they should reconsider their participation in the executive branch.
A conflict of statements followed, and PES told ''Vijesti'' that the functionality of the Government was not impaired by "the parties' pre-election statements" and that there were no reasons to call early elections, especially in light of the fact that ''the Government at any given moment has a majority significantly larger than 41 MPs''.
The DNP “warred” with the government on several occasions, before becoming part of the executive branch, after the reconstruction in July last year. Among other things, they announced in May 2024 that they would reconsider their support for the executive branch, six months after its formation, after Spajić announced at the prime minister’s office that Montenegro would support the adoption of a resolution on the Srebrenica genocide at the United Nations General Assembly, which it did. Despite this, Knežević did not leave power.
In March this year, Knežević said that he would not support a new government reconstruction until Spajić told them when the dialogue on the issue of standardizing the Serbian language as an official language and introducing dual citizenship with Serbia would begin, but also until, as he stated, he heard when the ruling Bosniak Party (BS) would leave the coalition with the opposition Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) in Bijelo Polje.
The government was reorganized in mid-April. The reorganization merged two departments - the Ministry of Energy and the Ministry of Mining, Oil and Gas - into the Ministry of Energy and Mining, and he was elected as the Minister. Admir Šahmanović.
The Ministry of Public Works was also formed, headed by the Minister Majda Adzović.
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