Monuments to all controversial figures and events across the country could only be removed if the government firmly decides to “close” these topics for the sake of the progress of society as a whole. However, the ruling parties in Montenegro are not doing this, but with the help of the church, they are using these sensitive issues to keep society in a state of tension, and as long as the narrative “our criminals are good, theirs are bad” is still alive, the removal of controversial monuments can hardly go without tension, because someone’s vulnerability is always emphasized.
This is how the interlocutors of "Vijesti" answer the question of whether it is possible to remove all problematic features without further increasing tensions in an already divided society, and whether this can be done without harming the ruling parties.
The story of the regulation of illegally erected monuments was initiated by the removal of monuments to criminals and collaborators of the occupiers from World War II - the Chetnik leader Pavlo Đurišić in the village of Gornje Zaostro in Berane and the commander of the company of volunteers Jusuf Čelić (Isufu Kameru Chelayu) in the village of Vusanje, near Gusinje.
Although the statues of the criminals were removed, the authorities did not confiscate them. The monument to Đurišić was moved to the monastery's dormitory, Đurđevi stupovi, while Čelić's is located in the Gusinje municipality building.
Minister of Culture and Media Tamara Vujović (Democrats) told "Vijesti" about ten days ago that all monuments that were erected against the law would be removed.
"There are no exceptions, no selective application, no tolerance. The Ministry will continue, in cooperation with the Directorate for Inspection Affairs, local governments, the police and the prosecutor's office, to protect the cultural heritage and historical integrity of our country. When there is a basis for suspicion that a monument is the object or instrument of a criminal offense, confiscation can only be ordered by the competent prosecutor, in accordance with the law," she said.
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Vujović said at the time that the department she heads will not stop until every memorial erected without the Ministry's consent is removed - in every municipality, without exception.
The Law on Memorials stipulates the prevention of the erection of monuments for events that mark the loss of freedom or independence of Montenegro, symbolize or signify cooperation with the occupier, its ally or helper, and for persons who were collaborators of the occupier, its ally or helper...
Cyclical crisis-making
Historian Miloš Vukanović He told "Vijesti" that it is possible for all the monuments to be removed, but that this would require a government in Montenegro that wants to finally close these issues through social consensus and with the aim of progress. He claims that the current government, with the help of the church, is using sensitive and controversial issues from the past "in order to cyclically cause crises" and keep society in a state of tension.
He states that part of the government tacitly approves of this because in such a state it is easier to mask, according to him, obvious political and economic failures, unfulfilled promises, and corrupt megalomaniac projects.
"Analyzing the reaction to everything that has been happening since May, it seems to me that it would even help the ruling parties, at least those that declare themselves as centrist parties, to finally gather the courage and start dealing with this circus because their voters are also fed up with instability and constant social tensions," said Vukanović.
When asked whether the disputed monuments have been standing for the sake of "peace at home", the interlocutor replied that during the decades-long rule of the DPS, such an approach represented an opportunistic and populist policy aimed at obtaining the greatest political benefit, and that such a policy did not clearly sanction, nor did it substantially fight and build institutional mechanisms against "various deviant and extremist phenomena", which have now, he claims, returned not only to burden, but to strangle Montenegrin society.
"The same approach was applied by the parties after 2020, once again confirming that all their concerns about respecting the law and causing divisions in society lasted until the moment they took office. As things get more complicated on the political front, or as it becomes obvious that the current government is a self-interested abomination without core values, opportunism moves from 'peace at home' to causing as much chaos at home as possible," he said.
Risk for ruling parties
Member of the non-governmental association Antifascists of Cetinje Ivan Mijanović points out that a part of the citizens saw the removal of the monuments to Đurišić and Čelić as an attack on the nation and identity.
"Each side likes to portray itself as a victim of history, and its war collaborators as 'defenders of the people'. In Montenegro, we have a narrative that 'our quislings and criminals are good, and theirs are bad'. That is why no removal of monuments or memorials can go without tension, because someone's vulnerability will always be emphasized, and that narrative is extremely dangerous in a state that can only survive as a society of citizens, not a nation," he told "Vijesti".
He says that, in a country where laws are often applied selectively, it sounds encouraging when the competent state authority promises that there will be no exceptions to the removal of memorials erected without procedure and consent. He said that the only way for the state to show credibility is for the principle to apply consistently to everyone.
Mijanović added that there will certainly be tension, but that if the process is carried out indiscriminately, with an explanation of why certain monuments are being removed, they will be temporary and cannot cause serious conflicts.
"There is a political risk for the ruling parties, because if we look at the list of illegal monuments, which are available in the Center for Democratic Transition's (CDT) publication 'Monuments in Montenegro 2006-2022', we see that this promise has a serious test ahead of it," the source said.
He emphasizes that in that publication, in addition to individuals with dark historical biographies, historically disputed inscriptions, and politically sensitive cases, there are also four monuments that, as the CDT announced, were erected by the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) without procedures or approval.
"For the parties in power, the removal of the Serbian Orthodox Church monument carries a huge risk, because it directly affects their voter base," said Mijanović.
Mijanović said that it is possible that the disputed monuments have stood so far for "peace at home", but also out of pure political interest.
"Because there is a risk of losing support among certain national groups, and on the other hand, no government wanted to touch the monuments illegally erected by the Serbian Orthodox Church, because that would mean conflict with the most influential institution in the country," he says.
In addition to the monuments, illegally built SPC buildings, such as the church in Rumija and the baptistery in Titva, are also controversial. The former government led by the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) has repeatedly announced that these buildings will be demolished, but they are still standing.
The "Morinj" case is a sensitive issue
The list of illegally erected landmarks also includes a plaque in Morinj, which was erected in early October 2022 by the then foreign ministers. Ranko Krivokapic and defense Rasko Konjević with his Croatian colleagues, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Gordan Grlić Radman and Minister of Croatian Veterans Tom Medved.
It says that "during the Greater Serbian aggression against Croatia," there was a camp for detained Croatian civilians and defenders in that place, the so-called Morinj Center.
The removal of the plaque was ordered several times by the Inspection Administration (UIP), but members of the Army of Montenegro (AVM) prevented it, on the orders of the former Chief of the General Staff of the VMG. Zoran LazarevicHowever, at the end of 2024, from the Ministry of Defense headed by Dragan Krapović (Democrats) announced that the VCG would no longer prevent attempts to remove the plaque.
The Ministry of Culture and Media did not respond to "Vijesti"'s question about whether the department would order an inspection of the plaque in Morinje.
Miloš Vukanović claims that removing the plaque in Morinje would "undoubtedly open up" serious problems.
"Based on final court rulings and good international practice in building a sustainable culture of remembrance, Montenegro has both a political, broader social and good-neighborly obligation to commemorate the crime in the former Morinje camp," he notes.
He said that, if we add to this the "continuous provocation of Croatia" by the part of the government that is oriented towards Belgrade, any intervention on the table at this moment would inevitably lead to new divisions and further straining of relations with a key neighbor and partner in the European integration process.
Vukanović believes that it is very important to keep in mind that Croatia is not only a neighbor, but also a member state of the European Union (EU), whose membership Montenegro aspires to, and which it cannot enter with open bilateral issues with Croatia.
He added that it is particularly concerning that certain government representatives and some of the media have in recent years "either consciously, on instructions or in the role of "useful idiots" participated in creating the narrative that the formulation of the "Greater Serbian aggression" is controversial."
"Removing the plaque would, in this context, mean direct support for this narrative and dangerous nationalist revisionism, which would further undermine the culture of remembrance and reconciliation in the region," the interlocutor notes.
Ivan Mijanović says that the plaque in Morinje is also a sensitive political issue, because it is in some way related to relations between Montenegro and Croatia, and that its removal would be interpreted as a denial of responsibility for the crime.
He emphasizes that society must confront the past, but that the memory of such sensitive events must also undergo broader consent and legal procedure.
"Therefore, one could not question its placement, nor attempt to dispute the inscription. Because this memorial plaque does not glorify criminals, but, on the contrary, accepts the crime committed in the name of one's own state and nation," said Mijanović.
Pluzine, Herceg Novi, Petnjica...
Minister Vujović ordered the inspector for cultural heritage to conduct surveillance in Pluzine, Herceg Novi and Petnjica, that is, to check whether any of the memorials in those municipalities have been illegally erected.
The applicant regarding Plužine requested, according to unofficial information from the editorial office, an investigation into whether the plaque "Nedajci fell in the wars of 1912-1918", which is located below the plaque dedicated to those killed in the war from 1941 to 1945, was installed in accordance with the law.
In Herceg Novi, at the initiative of the Mayor of the Municipality Stevan Katić, the chimney sweep's monument was removed this morning Rudolf Karužić Njunj in Njegoševa Street which was placed illegally, while an inspection was sent to Petnjica to investigate whether there was an official decision in that municipality to name a street after a war criminal To Osman Rastoder.
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Vujović was in the town about 15 days ago, following media reports that Rastodera Street was located there. She said at the time that she did not find the sign with the inscription mentioned in the media, but announced a detailed inspection.
In 2015, “Vijesti” reported that some citizens of Petnjica had voluntarily erected several street name signs. Among them was one with the name Rastoder, a photo of which (the sign) was published on the Facebook page of Radio Petnjica. A few weeks ago, the Municipality of Petnjica announced that the local government authorities had never considered or made a decision to name a street after Rastoder.
"In fact, at one point an irresponsible individual put up a sign, which was immediately removed by the relevant authorities," they stated.
The authorities of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia declared Rastoder a war criminal after the end of World War II, and the leader of the Muslim Militia, a paramilitary formation that collaborated with the fascists, was killed in January 1946 under unclear circumstances.
Worse than injustice is selective justice.
Asked what a selective approach to removing monuments could result in, Miloš Vukanović replied that the only thing worse than the absence of justice is selective justice.
"Unfortunately, for some time now we have been witnessing that certain politicians are striving for this, and religious institutions, primarily the Serbian Orthodox Church, have a clear position that the borders and laws of this state do not apply to them," he said.
He states that the result of this is the implementation of their goal of making Montenegro, "as political scientists define it," a failing state.
"In such a state, the government has no control over a part of society or territory, which causes a whole series of further problems, and ultimately results in a mass exodus of the population and the collapse of the system," explains Vukanović.
He says that, at the end of the day, this is one of the wishes of "various colorful chauvinists from the government and the church, that everyone who disagrees with them and has a shred of critical awareness and human values should leave here."
To the same question, Ivan Mijanović responded that the selective removal of monuments would deepen interethnic tensions, contribute to the strengthening of extreme political narratives and additional divisions in society.
"On the other hand, it would also mean a complete loss of trust in state authorities," he notes.
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