CDT: Montenegro faces third wave of historical revision

Montenegro is facing a third wave of historical revisionism, according to a published analysis by the Center for Democratic Transition (CDT).

After the first wave that took place in the 1990s, the second at the beginning of the 2000s, as the NGO says, the new season of revision, dominated by the campaign to present war criminal Pavle Đurišić as an anti-fascist, deny his crimes and cooperation with fascists, is once again led by the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC), and "is being carried out intensively and continuously by leaders and media politically close to it."

"After the nineties, before and during the war, historical revisionism began in all countries in the region, which referred to events from World War II and the period in which these countries were part of the SFRY, a second wave followed, which was reflected in the attempt to erect a monument to Đurišić in 2003, precisely on July 13. That attempt was stopped by a ban on erecting the monument and the demolition of the pedestal, and even then the Serbian Orthodox Church was involved in the process," writes CDT.

The current campaign of historical revision, as they said, is not only reflected in the presentation of Đurišić as a hero, but also as an innocent victim, but certain politicians and portals present every reaction of the state, any organization or individual as an attack on the church, Serbs, and relativize the glorification of the Chetnik movement and the revision of history through an attempt at humor about the "attack on the monument" and the "dead Đurišić".

"The SPC began the campaign for the rehabilitation of Pavle Đurišić in May, through the then still only metropolitan in Montenegro, Joanikije Mićović, who stated on May 4 that 'Pavle Đurišić was a great hero of invincible character'. The SPC soon, on May 17, received another metropolitan for Montenegro, Metodije Ostojić, who took over the leadership of the campaign from Joanikije, which intensified the activities for the rehabilitation of the Chetnik movement, primarily Pavle Đurišić. In June, he labeled Đurišić and the Chetnik commander Draža Mihailović as anti-fascists and guerrillas, claiming that 'the first Dragoljub stood up against the fascists and Nazis'. This was followed by the unveiling of a monument to Đurišić, consecrated by Ostojić, and when the Ministry of Culture ordered the monument to be removed, the residents of Gornji Zaostar hid it, along with Metodije, in the local church. Metodije then held a speech in front of the crowd "an inflammatory speech, telling the authorities that 'they will put that monument to Duke Pavle in the church — so let them demolish the church!'" adds CDT.

"Those times are over. We are no longer afraid of force — we were not afraid before, and especially not today. Their force, which cannot even restore order in the streets, has come to demolish the monuments of the greatest Serbian knights on the hills. They have come to fulfill someone's order. This is done by young people, dressed in expensive suits, who have occupied high political and state positions and think they can do as they want and think," he said, the NGO recalls.

They also point out that journalists and photo reporters who were reporting from the rally were attacked. "Photo reporter Stevo Vasiljević had his equipment taken away, and his colleague Boris Pejović was threatened 'that they would kill him with their bare hands'. According to media reports, journalist Balša Rudović from the Vijesti portal was abused mentally. Metodije claimed that journalists from 'Pobjeda' and 'Vijesti' were without accreditations and 'press' vests, and that they were distinguished from the others only by the fact that they were carrying cameras. It is unclear since when the church has had the authority to issue accreditations to journalists for events taking place in public spaces. He also claimed that journalists 'ate and drank with the tortured people', which media representatives denied," the analysis points out.

Danko Femić was arrested for attacking journalists, and the prosecution charges him with committing the criminal offense of coercion to the detriment of photo reporters from "Vijesti" and "Pobjeda", Boris Pejović and Stevo Vasiljević.

"However, these accusations did not prevent politicians and portals from presenting Femić as the victim, rather than the attacked journalists. Thus, United Montenegro official Milivoje Brković publicly supported Femić, claiming that his detention meant that 'justice is being administered according to DPS yardsticks'. Free Montenegro President Vladislav Dajković took the opportunity to advertise a visit to Femić's family on Facebook, where he said 'they are keeping him in prison to satisfy the wishes of anti-Serb circles in Montenegro'. The IN4S portal went a step further, criticizing the judiciary and asking the question 'who will judge the judges' who ordered his detention. When Femić was released to defend himself from freedom, he received a congratulatory note from Dajković that read - 'Our brother Danko Femić has been released. Good luck, Serb'", reminds CDT.

They also point out that, from the moment the Basic State Prosecutor's Office in Berane requested it, the court in that city has repeatedly, as the media reported, refused to order the confiscation of the monument, each time with a different explanation.

"After several refusals, the pre-trial chamber on October 1 reversed the decision of judge Dubravka Popović and ordered the temporary seizure of the memorial to Đurišić. The police then acted on the decision of the pre-trial chamber, and they were met at the Đurđevi stupovi monastery by Abbot Trpčevski. After the police failed to find the statue in the monastery's dormitory, Trpčevski contacted Metropolitan Metodije of Budimlje-Niksić by phone, who told the police that 'there are rooms in the monastery to which only he has the key'. As reported by Vijesti, a week later the prosecution asked the court to issue a decision ordering Metodije to hand over the monument 'which is located in the monastery's dormitory...', and on October 10 it corrected that proposal, stating that the statue should be seized 'from the rooms and other buildings that are an integral part of the Đurđevi stupovi monastery'. However, on October 13, Popović again rejected the prosecution's request. On October 13, the prosecution submits a new request, and two days later Popović refuses for the fourth time to order the confiscation of the monument," CDT adds.

After the prosecution's appeal against the last decision, a fifth decision from the Berane court is awaited.

"Reporting on the upheavals surrounding the 'confiscation', Borba writes that 'the police informed the court in Berane that Pavle Đurišić had escaped from them'. The same portal also published an article titled 'Are they guarding Đurišić's monument so that it does not escape them: The police have been monitoring the events in Đurđevi Stupovi for seven days, Metropolitan Metodije has been summoned for questioning again?'. As usual, the president of the Democratic People's Party (DNP), Milan Knežević, accompanied everything with an attempt at a joke, saying that 'while they are chasing the monument to Pavle Đurišić and while they are trying to deal with the Serbian Orthodox Church, they are chasing bishops and priests across Montenegro, this shameful plaque (in Morinje) is here'. Vesna Bratić, an official of the United Montenegro party, also joined the same narrative, which could be characterized as a stand-up comedy about a war criminal, and stated that 'while they are chasing the dead Đurišić, every last robbery "The affair was certified by the court as a legitimate business" and called on God to "come to his senses" "because the statue is being chased". IN4S also got on board, using artificial intelligence to create a meeting between Pavle Đurišić and the President of the Municipality of Nikšić, Marko Kovačević, at which Đurišić sought asylum in Nikšić," the analysis reads.

CDT also adds that, "according to the established matrix", portals close to the Serbian Orthodox Church target and label anyone who raises their voice against the revision of history and the whitewashing of the biography of a collaborator of the fascists.

"Thus, IN4S accuses Prime Minister Milojko Spajić of 'insulting a third of his own people' by his statements that the monument to Đurišić is a rural issue,' adding that the problem is that it is a 'Serbian hero'. Borba tells SDP president Ivan Vujović 'to act silly when it comes to the butcher Čelić, but his mouth is full of Đurišić, the Serbian Orthodox Church', while IN4S claims that president Jakov Milatović, by his statements that Pavle Đurišić is not a hero and will never be one, continues the 'DPS matrix towards Serbs'. When the label of 'anti-Serbism' is not attached, then those who demand the removal of the monument try to associate themselves with crime. Thus, the signatories of the statement from the civil sector that questions the actions of institutions and demands the confiscation of the monument are called 'fans of Aco Mijajlović' who is accused of organized crime, and 'Vijesti' is accused of inciting Serbs because they allegedly treat Jusuf Čelić, whose "The bust was removed for collaboration with fascists," the CDT said.

All of the above, they said, indicates that the campaign to revise history will not stop anytime soon. Of particular concern, the CDT points out, is that it is moving from the church and internet levels to institutions.

"Thus, the President of the Assembly Andrija Mandić recently paid tribute to the fallen Chetniks in Krnovo, claiming that they were 'over 300 beardless, mostly underage, young men of our country, who were brutally shot in a terrible war crime', although the facts show that an armed battle took place there between the partisans and the fighters who died fighting on the side of the fascist and Nazi occupiers. As explained by historian Filip Kuzman, it took place in Krnovo on August 25, 1944, as part of the German operation 'Ribecal', better known as the 'Durmitor operation', when strong forces were sent against the partisans - the 7th SS Division 'Prince Eugen', the 13th SS Division 'Handžar', the 369th Legionary Division, the 1st Mountain Division, the 363rd Regiment of the 181st Division, the 'Bendel' Combat Group, the 'Krempler' Legion, the Bulgarian "The 24th Division, parts of the 5th Police Regiment, the 1st and 11th Ustasha and 8th and 9th Home Guard Brigades and strong Chetnik forces from Montenegro and eastern Bosnia," the analysis recalls. "So, the Chetniks together with the Ustashas, ​​Home Guards, Handzarli, Bulgarian fascists, and all together under the command of the Germans," Kuzman stated.

“Pavel Đurišić’s Chetniks directly collaborated with the Germans, attacking the positions of the 7th Montenegrin Youth Brigade ‘Budo Tomović’, trying to capture Krnovo and stop the evacuation of partisan wounded from Piva. After several days of fighting, the partisans managed to hold off the enemy and enable the evacuation of about 800 wounded to Italy. The ‘Iron Regiment’ suffered heavy losses and disintegrated in panic. The Seventh Brigade attacked and surrounded the so-called ‘Iron Regiment’ and, according to most sources, about 350 Chetniks were killed in that battle. They were not shot, as the President of the Parliament of Montenegro says, but died in battle. So, this is not a ‘massacre of innocent young men’, but a defeat of an elite Chetnik unit in open battle, side by side with the Nazis,” he added.

The analysis claims that the organizer of the event was the Serbian Orthodox Church, led by Metodije, who, despite the existence of "countless evidence", as the CDT writes, determined that in Montenegro "there were thousands and thousands of members of that movement (JVuO) and "only two brigades were Montenegrin partisans".

The Budimlje-Niksic Eparchy of the Serbian Orthodox Church announced on October 11 that the event was organized by the association "Kosovo Peony of Nikšić", and that Metodije served the memorial service.