The government in Budva without Odžić if he doesn't break his word

A donation of one million euros to the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, which was made by the Mayor of the Municipality Nikola Jovanovic promised the metropolitan to Joaniki for the construction of the temple, will be included in the Budva budget for the following year, and the President of the Assembly Petar Odžić they were allegedly threatened with being expelled from government if they did not support it.

"Vijesti" has received confirmation from multiple sources that political relations between the key ruling Jovanović - Odžić axis have cooled, and that Jovanović is not giving up on his intention to have the Serbian Orthodox Church donate one million euros for the construction of the largest Orthodox temple on the Adriatic coast.

At the ceremonial session of the Municipal Assembly on the occasion of the Municipality Day on November 22, Jovanović emphasized that the donation would be included in the budget, despite the opposition of the coalition partner - Odžić's European Alliance.

The signing of the agreement on the construction of the Temple of St. Mark between Jovanović and Joanikije opened a new political chapter on the Budva scene, which intertwines religious, identity and political processes, but also deeply tests the stability of the government.

The draft budget for 2026 is being prepared by the Secretariat for Finance, a department managed by Odžić's staff, but "Vijesti" was confirmed that the donation intended for the Serbian Orthodox Church will be included in the document, because Jovanović insists on it.

The draft budget should soon be presented to the public, and the legal deadline for adoption is December 31st, by which time all parties and government groups have a deadline to agree on the donation.

The ruling coalition consists of 19 out of a total of 33 councilors. The backbone of the government is an alliance of nine councilors from Jovanović's political group Budva Our City, two councilors from the European Union and one from GP URA, while the parliamentary majority is provided by seven DPS councilors.

It seems that the decision on the donation could go through without two councilors from the European Union because, according to "Vijesti", DPS will vote for a budget in which a donation intended for the Serbian Orthodox Church would be "hidden". The URA would allegedly do the same, and one of its councilors could be a weight in the balance.

"Vijesti" did not receive an answer from the European Union when asked whether they would vote for the budget, or change their original position.

If Odžić and the councilor Jovo Perovic If they do not vote for the budget, according to the words of an interlocutor of "Vijesti" from the top of the local government, this will also mean the exclusion of that party from government.

In such a turn of events, the interlocutor states, the European Union would have to restore all functions covered by their staff, and an initiative would be launched to remove Odžić from the position of President of the Parliament.

This would open the possibility for DPS and URA to receive new functions in local administration, but also in municipal companies and institutions.

Odžić previously publicly announced that he does not support the one million euro funding for the temple. This puts the European Union, with its two councilors, in an ungrateful situation, because the math says that their votes are not needed to pass the 2026 budget.

Precisely for this reason, it seems that the critical stance of the European Union has limited scope - it is politically visible, but procedurally insufficient to stop the initiative that Jovanović does not intend to withdraw.

For Odžić and his group, according to the words of the "Vijesti" interlocutor, this means entering a political plane in which any further insistence on the blockade may act more as an attempt to create internal resistance than as a realistically achievable policy.

DPS and URA - waiting as a tactic

DPS provides key project support to the government and seems to have tactically chosen a position of weighing up - waiting for the budget, analyzing and assessing the overall balance of political benefits and harms. DPS is in a situation where it does not want to take on the burden of the initiative, but also does not want to lose influence in decision-making in the city, where any majority is extremely fragile, which seems like a rational move.

By enabling the initiative, DPS would allegedly send a signal that it is pragmatic and try to bury the hatchet with the church, which is why it lost the 2020 elections.

URA, with one councilor, maintains a position of tacit support, but its political room for maneuver will depend on the position of DPS.

URA previously made entering power conditional on obtaining the vice presidential post, which it has not yet obtained.

Jovanović has not yet appointed two vice presidents, and the latest political crisis opens up the possibility of fulfilling the promise.

Is there room for support for the former DF?

The political environment created around the issue of the donation for the temple seems to be an ideal terrain for the so-called "project" agreement between former partners from the former DF: NSD, DNP, SNP and PZP and Jovanović's group.

Practically all of these parties have an electorate inclined to support the construction of religious buildings, especially when they carry the signature of Metropolitan Joanikije.

For Jovanović, the eventual opening of this channel would mean stability of government, even in the event of resistance from parts of the existing coalition.

Although he said during the campaign that he would not enter a coalition with the NSD due to "criminalization", Jovanović offered a model of project-based, minority support - a format that is now gaining full utility. This would allow him to maintain political credibility and gain additional votes when he needs them most.

Such a scenario is increasingly possible, considering that the coalition For the Future of Budva in the local parliament has split into three councilor clubs - SNP and DNP with two councilors each and NSD with four. PZP has one councilor.

Before the formation of the current government, Jovanović invited the SNP, DNP and PzP to be part of the government, but this was rejected.

Budva has previously been a space where future political trends in Montenegro were hinted at, so it seems that the agreement with the Serbian Orthodox Church represents more than just an architectural project.

Jovanović in the state campaign

Experts on the political situation in Budva are unanimous that, regardless of the controversies surrounding the donation decision, Jovanović demonstrates high political instinct.

"His signature with Metropolitan Joaniki has multiple dimensions, local - where he creates a new support for the majority, identity - where he takes on a topic that is emotionally important for a significant part of voters, strategic - where he positions himself as a politician who can speak to both church structures and parties from the center to the right, national - where he is already profiling himself for a potential political role on the state scene ahead of the 2027 elections," points out an interlocutor of "Vijesti" close to the government.

That is precisely why many will interpret the agreement with the Serbian Orthodox Church as support for the Metropolitanate and Joanikije Jovanović.

"In Montenegro, such symbolic support has a significance that should not be underestimated. If the European Union remains opposed, their political influence may be further reduced, not because they are numerically small, but because the political reality is such that Jovanović already has an open space to supplement the majority with other actors who are eager to be invited. If, however, they give in, they will strengthen both their own and Jovanović's positions. In both cases, Jovanović emerges from this situation as a central figure in Budva politics."