The Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) submitted an author's text by its member, historian Dragutin Papović.
We transmit the text in its entirety:
"Andrija Mandić's party misrepresents itself as the New Serbian Democracy. It is neither new nor a democracy, and it is only partially Serbian. Its correct name is the Old Bjelaško-Chetnik Tyranny. It is a party that was created by crossing the Bjelaško terrorism of Marko Daković and the ethnic-religious-ideological cleansing of the Chetnik criminal Pavle Đurišić. The basis of the program of the NSD, or the Old Bjelaško-Chetnik Tyranny, is to, following the example of the Bjelaško, fight against Montenegrin statehood and nationality, and then, following the example of Pavle Đurišić, destroy all who are not Orthodox Serbs of the Chetnik orientation. This is an old goal, only since Andrija Mandić was elected President of the Parliament of Montenegro, he has embarked on a new path towards this goal.
On this path, Mandić's sycophants are making abundant use of historical untruths, which was done in the last morbid celebration of the most shameful event in the history of Montenegro – the so-called Podgorica Assembly by Mandić's mayor of Pljevlja, Dario Vraneš. He said that international officials, including the then US President Woodrow Wilson, sent telegrams and congratulated the decisions of the Podgorica Assembly. This is untrue. In fact, no Great Power and no foreign country in general recognized the decisions of the Podgorica Assembly, let alone congratulated them. All of them, except France, which supported Serbia, criticized the way the Podgorica Assembly was organized and the policy of Serbia and its occupation troops in Montenegro. President Wilson actually stood out in this criticism. The historian Dimitrije – Dimo Vujović, who did not sympathize with either King Nikola or independent Montenegro, in the book “Podgorica Assembly 1918.” on p. 146 states: "President Wilson was also a very harsh critic of Serbian policy in Montenegro and the decisions of the Podgorica Assembly. He characterized the Podgorica Assembly as unconstitutional and believed that the decisions of that assembly should not be taken into account." In order to investigate the situation in Montenegro, Wilson sent Captain James Bruce and Roland Tree, officers of the American embassy in Rome, to Montenegro in January 1919. After almost two months in Montenegro, Roland Tree stated that he had arrived in Montenegro sympathetic to the Serbs, but that he had subsequently had a harsh opinion of their behavior in Montenegro. Captain Bruce was more direct. In a memorandum he sent to President Wilson, he stated that the elections for the Podgorica Assembly were illegal and its decisions unacceptable, and that it was not an expression of the will of the Montenegrins, but of external intervention. Bruce stated that the Montenegrin people wanted to enter the Yugoslav state on the basis of equality, and not as part of Serbia. Not only did the USA not congratulate the decisions of the so-called Podgorica Assembly, but they maintained diplomatic relations with the Montenegrin government-in-exile until January 21, 1921.
In addition to inventing Wilson's telegram, Vraneš spoke untruthfully about the history of the liberation of Pljevlja in 1912. He stated that "after the liberation in 1912, this region first belonged to the Kingdom of Serbia, and only at the end of 1913 to Montenegro, without the support of the majority of the population". Vraneš added that "what was then and now in international law is called annexation, that is, the joining of the territory of one state to another state against the majority will of the population living in that area, was implemented. Pljevlja was joined to Montenegro against the will of the majority of the people of Pljevlja". However, in "Glas Crnogorca" from October 20, 1912 (according to the old calendar), it is stated: "On Monday, the 15th of this month, at around 8 am, the brave Montenegrin army entered Pljevlja under the command of Major Mašan Božović. Also on the same day, at around 12 pm, the Serbian army entered Pljevlja from Prijepolje via Jabuka, which the brave Montenegrins welcomed in a brotherly manner. The Turks retreated to Metaljci, to the Austrian border."
So, the Montenegrin army liberated Pljevlja and there was no dispute between Montenegro and Serbia about Pljevlja belonging to Montenegro. The border was drawn in 1913 without the alleged opposition of the population that Vranes speaks of. With the thesis of the annexation of Pljevlja to Montenegro, Vranes is actually saying that Montenegro occupied Pljevlja and is saying that they should be returned to the previous state. It seems that Vranes wants Pljevlja to be returned to the Ottoman Empire, or Turkey, because Montenegro liberated Pljevlja from the Ottoman Empire, not from Serbia. Then, the Ottoman Empire did not conquer Pljevlja from Serbia, but from the state of Herceg Stjepan Vukčić – Kosača, between 1462 and 1465. Herceg's state was neither mono-religious, nor national, nor Serbian. According to Kosača's title, the state he ruled was colloquially called Herzegovina, but in fact this name was not made official until 1470 when the Turks formed the Herzegovinian Sandžak (Vilayet of Herceg) from the conquered Herzegovinian lands. At that time, it was part of the Rumelia Eyalet, and from 1580, part of the Bosnian Eyalet, until a separate Herzegovinian Pashalik was formed in 1833. In modern history, Pljevlja has never belonged to Serbia. Montenegro liberated Pljevlja, which was recognized by the peace treaties in London and Bucharest in 1913, and later confirmed by the decisions of the Avnoj Yugoslavia in 1945, which also received international recognition.
By distorting history and fabricating untruths, the NSD, or the Old Bjelaško-Chetnik tyranny, is also attacking the constitutional order. It is obvious that Mandić and his enforcer in Pljevlja want to split the state territory, which is an unconstitutional and criminal activity. Article 3 of the Constitution stipulates that the territory of Montenegro is unique and inalienable. Article 55 of the Constitution stipulates, among other things, the prohibition of the activities of political organizations whose activities are aimed at violating the territorial integrity of Montenegro. The NSD is a textbook example of such an organization. Article 359 of the Criminal Code of Montenegro stipulates that anyone who, by force or in another unconstitutional manner, attempts to secede any part of the territory of Montenegro or to annex that part of the territory to another state shall be punished with imprisonment for a term of three to fifteen years. "If Montenegro had a professional prosecution and judiciary, or if there was a rule of law, proceedings would be initiated ex officio against the NSD for unconstitutional actions, and all the organizers and speakers at the celebration of the 107th anniversary of the so-called Podgorica Assembly in Pljevlja would be prosecuted," Papović writes in his text.
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