Almost all relevant parties in Montenegro formally present themselves as pro-European and Euro-Atlantic, although there is a deep gap between their public rhetoric, program principles and actual political practice, driven by the logic of political survival.
Pro-European orientation thus becomes primarily a declarative condition for political survival, rather than a real commitment that is consistently implemented in practice.
This was assessed by the interlocutors of "Vijesti" when answering questions about whether political parties in Montenegro adhere to the ideologies they publicly advocate and whether some of them present themselves to citizens in a way that does not correspond to their actual practice, nor to what is written in their programs.
According to data from the Ministry of Regional Investment Development and Cooperation with NGOs from September this year, there are 59 active political parties in Montenegro. A large part exists only formally and does not participate regularly in elections, while some represent the interests of the local population and are mostly civic and local movements that run in elections in only one municipality.
Đukanović: The most pronounced example of the discrepancy is the pro-European rhetoric
Assistant Professor at the University of Donja Gorica (UDG) Nikoleta Djukanovic She assessed for "Vijesti" that almost all relevant parties in Montenegro present themselves to citizens in a way that does not fully correspond to their actual political practice, and often not even to what is written in their programs.
"The most prominent example of this discrepancy is the pro-European rhetoric. Today, almost no party dares to publicly declare itself as an advocate of European integration," said Đukanović.
EU membership, she pointed out, is presented as a common and unquestionable goal, and some political actors are even publicly promising to complete negotiations by 2026.
"However, when European integration is tested through concrete policies, especially in the areas of fundamental rights, the rule of law and the protection of minorities, a serious setback occurs," Đukanović stressed.
An ideal example, as she reminded, is the Law on Legal Recognition of Gender Identity Based on Self-Determination:
"Although this law is part of the obligations arising from the European agenda and although the draft law was prepared in early 2024, no parliamentary party, neither the government nor the opposition, has invested real political capital to get the law into the procedure and adopted."
She assessed that this clearly shows that the pro-European identity of many parties is declarative, while in practice they avoid topics that carry political risk or provoke resistance from the more conservative part of the electorate.
Stojiljković: The model of the party paradox
Retired professor at the Belgrade Faculty of Political Sciences (FPN) Zoran Stojiljkovic He agrees that some parties present themselves to citizens in a way that does not correspond to their actual practice, nor to what is written in their programs.
"Of course, because the logic of political survival is a miraculous logic in which you often think one thing, say another, and do something completely different," said Stojiljković.
He emphasized that he is not inclined to reject the power of convictions in times of re-ideologization, “but politics oscillates between them and assessed interests, and within the framework of radically changed external contexts and veto players.”
"For example, in the first decade of multi-party rule in Montenegro, there was an atmosphere of Milošević regime in Serbia. Discord in the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and the victory Đukanović "The current situation had the effects of a political, but also a programmatic, earthquake, with DPS remaining in power the entire time."
He pointed out that today one cannot even be in the backbenches of government if one does not at least formally advocate Montenegro's Euro-Atlantic position.
Stojiljković emphasizes that it seems as if the head of parliament Andrija Mandic who comes from the pro-Serbian wing of the bloc understands this logic better than the quarreling centrist couple (Milojko) Spajic - (Jakov) Milatović or Đukanović's successors in the DPS.
"Not to mention the long history of divisions within the Social Democrats or the complex history of leader changes and political disassociations of 'citizens'. The high 'party density' of Montenegro, i.e. the high number of parties and coalitions and the share of their membership in an electorate of only half a million, led me to think that Montenegro is almost a model of the 'party paradox' - a state in which citizens despise nothing so much as politics and politicians and at the same time, because of its power, they are so happy to enter it," said Stojiljković.
Most parties on the EU position
The Programme of the Europe Now Movement (PES) states that, in implementing its mission, it will work to realize the vision of Montenegro as a sovereign, stable, secure, economically strong state, based on the rule of law, which is a full member of the European Union. It states that they proudly emphasize the centuries-old statehood and libertarian traditions of Montenegro and respect its cultural and historical identity in different periods of its past.
It is emphasized that they advocate the modern principle of secularism, in the sense of the separation of state and religious communities, that they support freedom of religion and from religion, in accordance with the principle of non-interference of religious communities in state affairs, as well as the neutrality of the state regarding the organization and teachings of religious communities.
The program of the New Serbian Democracy (NSD) is not publicly available on their website, but the party is recognized as a pro-Serbian party, opposed to joining NATO, while formally supporting Montenegro's European integration.
When it comes to the Democratic People's Party (DNP), their website is not functional, but their Facebook page lists "democracy, the rule of law, social justice, and a responsible economy" as their priorities.
The Democratic Montenegro program specifies, among other things, that they are a party that strongly supports the European integration process with the aim of institutional and economic strengthening of Montenegro, that they advocate for strong institutions, professional and competent staff, that they are in favor of open party lists, the creation of conditions for evaluating the work results of civil servants on the basis of which regular personnel changes would be made and the reduction of the cumbersome public sector...
The Bosniak Party (BS), as stated in the program, ideologically belongs to the group of democratic and conservative parties of the European political center-right and is an authentic representative and advocate of Bosniak interests in Montenegro.
The opposition Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) states in its program that they are a modern center-left party, that they support European integration, and that they will strongly oppose any attempt to deny Montenegrin state and national identity...
The Social Democrats (SD) present themselves in their program as a modern, genuine, and not populist left, dedicated to improving living standards, inclusive dialogue around the Euro-Atlantic and European path, and a consistent fight for civic, secular, and state-building values.
The GP URA program states that they support the process of adopting Euro-Atlantic values, that they advocate for a civic, ecological state, for a modern political system...
A similar pattern among both ruling and opposition parties
Nikoleta Đukanović assessed that when the ideological profiles of Montenegrin political parties are viewed as a whole, it becomes clear that they can rarely be placed within clear and stable ideological frameworks.
"Instead of consistent political doctrines, the dominant pattern is a combination of declarative values and pragmatic action, in which ideology mainly serves as a means of political positioning, rather than as a real guide in decision-making," Đukanović assessed.
She pointed out that the parties that make up the government almost without exception present themselves as pro-European, reformist and dedicated to the modernization of society, but in practice the European agenda is reduced mainly to economic aspects and technical reforms, while value issues are systematically avoided or relativized.
"European integration is thus becoming a symbol of efficiency and prosperity, but not a process that entails a deep transformation of society, especially in the areas of human rights, protection of minorities and strengthening of secular institutions. This is clearly seen in the lack of political will to open or close sensitive issues that carry political risk, even though they are part of European obligations," Đukanović emphasized.
She pointed out that, at the same time, a significant part of the ruling majority nurtures conservative, national and identity narratives that are often in direct conflict with the core values of the EU.
"In these cases, the European path is accepted selectively and instrumentally, as a foreign policy goal or economic interest, but not as a value framework that would limit political behavior or require consistency in the protection of fundamental rights. This further blurs the boundaries between political-ideological families and confirms that ideological affiliation has a limited impact on real political practice," Đukanović emphasized.
She pointed out that even opposition parties are not breaking away from this pattern.
"Although the opposition insists more often and more loudly on ideological identities, whether civic, social democratic or green-liberal, these identities are often burdened by the legacy of the previous government or coalition compromises that have undermined their credibility in the past. Ideological narratives are then used as a means of political rehabilitation, while real change in practice remains questionable," Đukanović assessed.
She assessed that a particular problem is the fact that intra-party democracy rarely develops in accordance with declared ideological values.
She emphasized that even parties that formally advocate for the democratization of society, transparency, and citizen participation often operate according to a centralized model, with a strong concentration of power in the hands of party leaders or narrow circles. This, she argues, further empties ideology of content and turns it into a mere formality.
"All of this indicates that the Montenegrin political scene is marked by ideological fluidity, pragmatism and opportunism, in which political actors adapt to current interests, international trends or voters' expectations, without a clear long-term vision of social development."
Đukanović pointed out that ideology, instead of being a corrective to political action, becomes decorum, present in programs and public appearances, but rarely visible in concrete policies.
They use ideology as a rhetorical framework.
Responding to the question of whether political parties in Montenegro truly adhere to the ideologies they publicly advocate, Zoran Stojiljković emphasizes that they do so to the extent that they assess it as useful and base their position on a clear concept rather than on a "hypermarket" offer in which there will be something for everyone based on the assumption of the wishes of voters.
"It has long been cynically said that elections, as a rule, are won by those who spend more and lie more convincingly. The world of politics is the world of a specific political market where political supply and demand meet," said Stojiljković.
He pointed out that voter demand is determined by the level of political knowledge and skills of citizens, which, even in highly politicized Montenegro, is defined by the fact that a large portion of voters do not understand ideological and program details and finesse, so they make their choices based on the formed image of parties and their leaders.
Stojiljković said that it is no secret that ideocentric, idea-oriented voters are often a minority compared to homocentric voters, who base their choices on the choice of a leader whom they then follow in their every turn.
"The question is also which part of the voters is pragmatically interest-oriented and votes based on an assessment of their own benefit. What, by the way, is behind the story of party infighting and employment policy, or the narrative of systemic political corruption and real party patrons and financiers?"
Stojiljković assessed that the political offer is also influenced by the structure of the voters themselves, that is, the educational, professional and, especially, the ethnic and confessional structure of society, as well as the dominant understanding of social justice. Ideological and programmatic consistency, as he emphasized, is also influenced by the offer of competition, as well as the election result itself, which opens up different combinations for the path to power.
"For example, in the landmark 2020 elections, a change of government was only possible by uniting literally everyone on the other side. If after three decades the majority of citizens wanted an end to the corruption-ridden rule of the DPS and Đukanović, who could resist the call of political inconsistency without risking being denounced as a hidden player of the regime?" said Stojiljković.
Nikoleta Đukanović assessed that if political ideology is understood as a set of values, principles and long-term goals that guide political action, the answer to the question of whether parties truly adhere to the ideologies they publicly advocate, in the Montenegrin context, must be - mostly no.
"Most political parties in Montenegro use ideology primarily as a rhetorical framework, and much less often as an actual basis for political decision-making and action," Đukanović assessed.
She pointed out that the Montenegrin political scene has been operating for years according to a model of pronounced pragmatism, where ideological consistency is suppressed by the need to preserve or seize power:
“Party programs are often general, hybrid and similar to each other, with plenty of common ground: European integration, economic development, the fight against corruption, social justice, but without clear mechanisms for how these goals are achieved in practice.”
This pattern, she pointed out, is also confirmed by the professor's thesis. Vladimir Goati, who previously pointed out that the ideological mapping of the political scene in Montenegro encounters two key obstacles: first, party programs are often contradictory and imprecise, and second, when parties come to power, they rarely adhere to their own programmatic commitments.
"In other words, in the Montenegrin political system, ideology rarely has normative force. It does not oblige political actors to be consistent, but rather adapts to current interests, coalition relations, and the mood of the electorate," Đukanović assessed.
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