The EU protects the country, but does not heal the wounds: What awaits Montenegro in 2026

Two decades after the restoration of statehood, Montenegro is at a crossroads that will lead it either towards membership in the European Union (EU), or deeper into the fog from which the country's disintegration lurks. Although it is clear that EU accession would strengthen the "state framework", despite transferring part of sovereignty to that community, it is to be expected that this will not solve the problem of division in Montenegrin society, which the current government cannot overcome using the methods of its predecessors - unilaterally imposing solutions, without seeking the broadest consensus.

With these words, some of the interlocutors of "Vijesti" comment on what Montenegro could expect in 2026 - the year of a great state jubilee, which, by all accounts, should be crucial on its long journey to the EU.

The government has set the coming year as the last in which it will negotiate with Brussels, but it is questionable whether, given the course of the process so far, it can fulfill its promise and "cross out" 21 negotiation chapters (out of a total of 33) in 12 months. Podgorica began the process of joining the Union in 2012, and has since temporarily closed 12 chapters, half of which this year.

However, the Government Milojko Spajić (Europe Now Movement), elected in the fall of 2023, has reason for some optimism. It has restarted negotiations from a deadlock, after a seven-year blockade of the process, closing nine chapters since the beginning of its mandate. For its work, it receives the unreserved support of Brussels, which, according to numerous analysts, is pushing Podgorica into the EU with all its might due to geopolitical circumstances, regardless of the meager results. Is this enough for membership and would the announced start of writing the accession treaty be a sign that there is no turning back?

The answer to these questions could be found in the jubilee year, when the 20th anniversary of the most important event in Montenegro's recent history is being marked. But with that comes new questions. First of all: where is the country two decades later, and what does it say about it that it and its Constitution are still being contested?

The blood picture of the state, through the prism of these questions, will be even clearer in 2026, which will be followed by preparations for the national and all local elections the following year, which some of the editorial staff's interlocutors call the most important since the 2006 referendum.

ON A STRAIGHT TO THE EU

Political consultant and political scientist from Zagreb Aleksandar Music, assesses for "Vijesti" that it is clear that Europe is currently "bringing Montenegro into the EU on a stretcher", and that the issue of Podgorica's entry into that community is significantly more about European will, and less about Montenegrin readiness.

"Europe is clear that it is left to its own devices - on one side, an aggressive Russia, on the other, an alienated United States of America (USA) - it must act immediately, without calculation, which is very beneficial to Montenegro," he claims, warning, however, that the chances of a slowdown or even a standstill in the photo-finish of accession - exist and are not small.

That such a scenario is realistic was shown by the example of the last "round" of chapter closures, in mid-December. Montenegro then planned to "cross out" five chapters - which it eventually did - but France, which does not have majority support for enlargement, had initially blocked two. However, after intensive diplomatic activities, in which Podgorica and member states that advocate for Montenegro's speedy accession took part, Paris gave the "green light" to those two chapters as well.

Political analyst Stefan Djukic, told the newspaper that a perception has been created in Montenegro that membership depends much more on Brussels than on Podgorica, adding that the Union has also contributed to this by treating different aspirants for membership unequally, and by shifting demands depending on current geopolitical developments.

"From this perspective, it seems that membership, unless something significant changes, and unless our authorities make some huge unexpected mess, is within reach. Either way, I think this is a process that is essentially out of our hands and that we can be the best 'students' and not get in, but also get in as the worst," he told the editorial board, adding that European officials talk about standards and procedures, but that it is obvious that it is essentially about geopolitical interests and that "there is nothing unusual about that."

DIPLOMACY GUARANTEES PASSAGE

Member of the opposition Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) Ivan Vukovic, notes that, taking into account the comparative experiences of countries that have already gone through the "European path", it is not good that closing 21 chapters in a year seems almost unachievable. According to him, it is good that this will not necessarily determine the final outcome of the process.

"During 2026, it is necessary to put all the resources we have at our disposal into the function of implementing the necessary reforms, so that Montenegro can be recommended for EU membership. If this is indeed the case and if our European partners recognize this, we will be able to say in a year that we are close to the historic goal - even if we do not close all the planned chapters. Hence the Resolution on the European Integration of Montenegro," he said, recalling a recent document of the Parliamentary Committee on European Integration, which states that fulfilling obligations on the path to the EU is an "absolute priority."

But closing the chapter is one thing, and ratifying the accession treaty is another. What if the first process is completed, and the second starts to block member states where there is no majority will for the EU to expand, such as France and the Netherlands?

Vuković told the editorial staff that he has no dilemma - that, with the necessary diplomatic engagement of the next, "essentially and in full capacity pro-European Government", the member states, regardless of the increasingly complex political situation in Europe, will welcome Montenegro into the EU by the end of the decade.

Jovan Subotic, a member of the New List, which is part of the parliamentary group of the ruling Europe Now Movement (PES), assesses that the "hard work" of the ruling coalition in the past two years has translated into the closing of nine chapters and, according to him, even more importantly - clear and concrete communication with the European Commission (EC), acceptance of the principle of "enlargement on merit" and "genuine reform of society".

He said that he believes that at the end of that path, Podgorica will have an economically more prosperous state, with a high level of rule of law, and that these goals are worth fighting for.

"... Bearing in mind the clear action plans for closing other chapters, i.e. the dynamics recognized by European partners, and the commitment of the government and the opposition to be constructive on this path - I have no doubt that the process of closing the chapters will be completed by the end of 2026," Subotić told "Vijesti".

He also emphasizes that, in parallel with this process, it is crucial that Montenegro pays the greatest attention to diplomatic activities, and that everyone had the opportunity to see this before the last intergovernmental conference, at which five chapters were closed.

"The accession process based on merits is a guarantee that no external factor can jeopardize our European path. Everything is in our hands," the interlocutor underlined.

APPROVAL, BUT NOT “AUGUSTIAN”

And what about the "internal factor" and can it jeopardize the path to the EU? Twenty years after the restoration of statehood, society, according to more experienced political observers, is just as, if not more, divided than in 2006, and the cracks in the social fabric are becoming ever deeper. How, in such circumstances, can society be united around a common goal - the EU?

Aleksandar Music claims that, regardless of the speed at which Montenegro progresses, EU accession, whenever it occurs, will not solve any of the burning internal problems of "deep roots".

"... Anyone who tells you otherwise is deceiving you," he claims.

The interviewee assesses that every democratic society is divided, but that Montenegro's problem is deeper - "the proliferation of parallel societies." He claims that there are fewer and fewer common denominators, and more and more "internal bleeding," stating that the day after the referendum, the state should have started building sincere bridges towards parts of the population that felt excluded then, but still feel that way to some extent today.

"Towards the people, fellow citizens, and not towards the top of the movement for a 'joint state', because that top, both before and after the referendum, despite all its whining, lived like a 'kidney in grease'," said the interlocutor.

He said that Montenegro today, if institutions and common denominators had been built since 2006, would be more resistant to various "mandići" and "vraneši" from within, but also "lupi" from without, adding that the elite that was created then was not an advertisement for Montenegro and Montenegrins.

Music explained that he sees the fundamental mission of the new Montenegrin generations as redefining, strengthening and defending the term "Montenegrin", saying that the term must be honorable and common sense, inclusive and constitutionally patriotic.

"We need to start moving towards a situation in which both the average Cetinje resident and the average Berane resident will be able to sign up to most common-sense values ​​and policies. It won't be easy, it seems impossible for now, but we need to get started," he stressed, saying that the goal must be reconciliation - not "Augustan, false and sleazy", but honest, without fear of the powerful and dangerous, "without a self-interested fist in our pocket".

"For Montenegro to be eternal, it must be healthy, focused and intelligent," he underlined.

INCAPABLE OF A BETTER SOCIAL CONTRACT

Speaking about the divisions that emerged after May 21, Stefan Đukić said that things are very simple if one wants to "look the truth in the eye."

"We can give superficial answers, pretend that the reasons are different out of intellectual laziness, but we will not gain anything good from it. Everything that is happening to us has happened to us before and will happen in the future if we continue to behave in the same way," he said, recalling that the state symbols were voted "on the fly in the ointment in parliament, by a narrow majority of votes from the DPS, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and certain minority parties...

Đukić assessed that when far-reaching decisions are made with such a "thin" majority, without broad social dialogue, it is only possible that they will constantly come back like a boomerang and that a large part of citizens will be dissatisfied.

He also noted that the procedure for adopting the Constitution in 2007 was similar, and that the leader of the Movement for Change Nebojsa Medojevic He then said that his voters would not support a vote for such a supreme legal act, but that PzP deputies would vote "for".

That is why, according to him, Montenegrin society is where it is - because it rarely fights for social consensus, "watching how 51 percent will impose something on 49."

"It remains for some future time to create a new and better social contract, this current political class is certainly not capable, but wants a new 51 against 49," claims Đukić.

KING NICHOLAS WAS A FAVORITE...

Ivan Vuković says that Montenegro is at a crossroads two decades after the referendum, and that depending on which path it takes, the political future of the state and society will look significantly different. One path, he explains, leads to full membership in the Union, which, according to him, is certainly not a promised land where all of Montenegro's problems will be solved overnight.

"But, as it is, the Union represents the only long-term reliable 'insurance policy' for preserving independence, developing multiethnic democracy, the rule of law and economic progress. In that sense, Montenegro's European integration would be the best confirmation that we made the right decision in 2006," he said.

The second time, says the interlocutor, leads Montenegro into political uncertainty, further dismantling of the value foundation on which it rests - secularism, anti-fascism and civicism - and, potentially, towards its de facto or de jure disappearance.

The vice president of the strongest opposition party claims that, at this moment, influential socio-political forces in the country, including some ruling parties, and in the immediate environment, are working dedicatedly to realize such a scenario.

"Relativizing that fact, subordinating it to petty party interests and personal political ambitions, all in the interest of settling old political debts, is nothing more than creating assumptions that the tragic historical experience from the beginning of the last century will be repeated," he said.

If, he says, that seems too dramatic, he reminds us that 20 years after the Berlin Congress was held in 1878, then Prince Nikola was seen as a favorite for the throne of the future community of South Slavic peoples, and that two decades later - he lost his own throne and state.

Vuković's parliamentary colleague, Jovan Subotić, assesses that two decades of independence represent a thorny path for society through a painful transition, pronounced class differences, unequal treatment of municipalities and regions in the country, scandals and government ties with organized crime - to the years of "liberation of individuals from the subservient mentality and fear of the regime."

"Montenegro, after showing itself that it can change the regime through democratic means, has opted for a European future. That future also brings an increasingly vocal and influential civil sector, more responsible politicians and their decisions, and an empowered working class whose dignity has been restored," he said.

The interlocutor claims that the economic programs "Europe Now" 1 and 2 have not only increased wages and pensions, but have also placed the worker back at the center of economic development, and that their knowledge and time are adequately valued.

These programs were the brainchild of the PES, which came to power on them. Although wages and pensions have increased, some economists argue that these programs have caused inflation and pose a threat to public finances.

WHO'S WHO ON THE POLITICAL SCENE

In a year in which a significant state anniversary is celebrated, parties will be preparing for the state and local elections that are coming up in 2027. Some, one could say, are already in a way campaigning - primarily New Serbian Democracy (NSD) Andrije Mandić and Democratic People's Party (DNP) Milan Knežević, who recently once again "pulled out" the story of changing the Constitution and the Law on Montenegrin Citizenship.

For Aleksandar Music, the 2027 elections are the most important in Montenegro since the 2006 referendum. He claims that these are the last elections in which "what is healthy in the social fabric of Montenegro" can be saved.

He said that in the run-up to that vote, he expects further quiet strengthening of Parliament Speaker Mandić, his even quieter, "superficial, not real" distancing from the President of Serbia. Aleksandar Vučić, his diplomatic attempts towards Italy, Germany and France...

"Vijesti" recently wrote about how the first man in the Parliament has begun to "polish" his image in the West, and he has already gone from being an undesirable partner when he took the first parliamentary seat to being a regular guest at high-profile Western addresses.

Individuals familiar with diplomacy and foreign policy developments have assessed that this situation is the product of several factors - primarily changing geopolitical circumstances, but also Mandić's skillful leadership of politics since he took office.

Music said that he also expects more intensive field engagement by the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) towards Mandić's strengthening, record party recruitment by the Democrats and NSD, and further "impersonal bluffing" by PES.

Speaking about PES, he noted that the party had played all its cards on "robotic recitation of the European story in the manner of provincial schoolchildren", without, in his words, human brands, courage and leadership in life issues such as the construction of the collector in Botun, with a lot of fear of Mandić, the Serbian Orthodox Church, and even the "unlucky" leader of the DNP, Knežević...

"If something unforeseen from the outside steals that 'European' cotton candy - they will be charged for it within Montenegro, all on the eve of the 2027 elections, and without the personnel and field support they can rely on," the interlocutor emphasized.

When it comes to the opposition, primarily the DPS and the European Alliance (ES), which consists of the Social Democrats, the Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, Music predicts that if there is no "record change in work", they will face "eternal opposition" after the elections.

"ES should consolidate, choose the goal scorers and hide the rest, stop looking like a kindergarten, and DPS should urgently find a way to expand its voter base and not depend on headlines about judicial upheavals overnight," he said.

A public opinion poll conducted by the Center for Democracy and Human Rights (CEDEM) in late September and early October shows that 25,8 percent of voters would vote for the DPS in the elections, 23,5 percent for the coalition For the Future of Montenegro (ZBCG), i.e. the NSD and DNP, 20,3 percent for the PES, 8,2 percent for the Democrats, and five percent for the ES.

Music emphasizes that, given the huge unsatisfied space on the opposition scene, and the huge amount of opportunities that no one is capitalizing on - he also expects the emergence of new players.

There has been public speculation for a long time that the head of state Jakov Milatovic could form a party.

In a New Year's interview with "Vijesti", he hinted that he planned to do so.

Similar rumors are circulating about the president of the Budva Municipality. Nikola Jovanović. Ahead of the elections held in Nikišće in mid-April, there was speculation that a list close to him might be on the ballot in that municipality, but this did not materialize. Reportedly, Jovanović is now considering options in what format he could run in the 2027 national elections.

And until recently a DPS MP, now an independent parliamentarian Nikola Janović, after leaving the strongest opposition party, did not rule out the option of forming his own.

Commenting on the behavior of political actors, Aleksandar Music assesses that the imposition of so-called identity themes by Mandić and people close to him, "dragged through the DB machine", is primarily aimed at forcing the rest of the political scene into a spasm and defensiveness.

"This shock therapy in political operations is called narrative control. By manipulating topics and volume, this side paralyzes competitors and opponents, keeps them in a cage of fear, and mobilizes its voters. The more others ignore it in the hope that it will pass, disappear on its own - the stronger this side becomes," the Zagreb political scientist notes.

In the past few weeks, Mandić and Knežević have again floated ideas about amending the Constitution to make the Serbian language the official language, as well as amending the citizenship regulations to allow for dual citizenship with Serbia. They are doing this despite signing a power-sharing agreement in late October 2023, which states that its constituents will refrain from "all topics that may renew or deepen divisions...".

CARDS HIDDEN, PLAYERS KNOWN

Stefan Đukić assessed that most parties do not know which card they will "play" when 2027 comes, and that what they are trying to do so far is not yielding satisfactory results. He also said that the PES will not have a new "Europe Now", even if it fulfills all the promises from the previous cycle - they need a powerful enough momentum to attract such a large number of voters again.

"They are a party without a strong infrastructure, which means they have to inspire voters. The thing is that they now want to inspire by referring to their 'successes', and in an ideal scenario they will talk about salary increases, pensions, and real EU accession, but old glory and what has already been achieved do not mobilize voters - something new is needed, some new hope worth fighting for. They do not have that for now," he concludes.

He notes that it is logical, given that ZBCG has been in power for a long time, that questions are being asked about when, and if, they will ever deliver on their program principles. According to him, since this does not seem realistic, it is up to them to try to promise the same thing again or to find some new ideas, but unlike PES, they have the infrastructure to rely on if “inspiration” is lacking.

"DPS and ES will probably position themselves as 'defenders of the constitutional order', although I am not sure how meaningful this is a strategy for attracting new voters. The numbers do not give them a chance to win. The question, of course, is what the parties 'in between' will do, such as the Democrats, the Civic Movement URA and Preokret, and whether there will be new players on the scene. Montenegro has room for new parties in terms of undecided voters, but there are no people who would get active," Đukić is convinced.

WHY ZBCG IS GROWING

Ivan Vuković claims that the trend of political growth of the ZBCG coalition began after Spajić opened the doors of executive power to them, and that today these entities are in a position to direct processes in the state, to blackmail the prime minister when making even the most important decisions, and, more importantly, to cause serious damage to the state on its path to the EU.

Until the summer of 2024, the NSD and DNP supported Spajić in parliament; when he entered the government at the end of July of that year, their cadres were awarded three ministerial and two vice-presidential positions.

Vuković also says that other constituents of the government, "driven by clientelism", do not dare to raise their voices against the "political destruction of coalition partners at the state and local levels".

On the other hand, he claims that the opposition led by DPS is trying to minimize the damage that such actions cause to state interests and at the same time make a maximum contribution to fulfilling the remaining obligations from the European agenda.

"On the contrary, at the very moment when negotiations with Brussels are entering the most important phase, malignant parts of the ruling coalition, 'on remote control' from Belgrade, are trying to raise the issue of constitutional reforms in the official language section, all with the aim of raising social tensions and destabilizing the political situation in Montenegro," Vuković states.

He adds that the proponents of constitutional changes know that the Constitution of Serbia defines Serbian as a "language in official use" - identically to the Constitution of Montenegro, saying that he is sure "that they are clear that there is nothing to be gained from amending the Constitution."

Due to the complicated procedure for amending the Constitution in the language section (two-thirds support in parliament and at least three-fifths of all voters in a referendum are required), which makes it practically impossible, the NSD and DNP advocated legally questionable ideas for the realization of their request, such as organizing a constitutional assembly and "adding" a new article to the highest legal act.

Jovan Subotić states that it is certain that parties will approach the 2027 elections differently. According to him, more modern and progressive parties will continue the fight for economic prosperity and balanced development, while, he says, it is also undeniable that parties with a limited programmatic focus will concentrate on specific topics and individual local governments, and fight to retain as much of their traditional electorate as possible.

"Both are legitimate approaches from the perspective of the parties' interests, but I sincerely hope that this time the liberated, economically empowered voters will base their vote on the broader interests of society, their local communities, regions and the entire country, and opt for those who can bring a European future to them and to the generations to come. A European future means more opportunities, greater possibilities, a fairer society, but also a society that can resolve all controversial issues in the country in a civilized manner," Subotić underlines.

What marked 2025?

The year began with protests by the informal student group “Kamo sjutra” (Where to Tomorrow) after the massacre in Cetinje on January 1, which killed 13 people, demanding the dismissal of Deputy Prime Minister Aleksa Bečić and Minister of Interior Danilo Šaranović. Several protests were held in Podgorica, attracting a significant number of citizens, but the story “died” at the end of February - allegedly due to internal conflicts within the group over statements about who was bothering its members at gatherings. One of the group’s leaders said that Blažo Đukanović, the son of former head of state and DPS leader Milo Đukanović, had bothered him.

The beginning of the year was marked by a conflict between the government and the opposition over the case of Dragana Đuranović's termination of office in the Constitutional Court. The opposition blocked the work of parliament for a while, Mandić punished them for obstruction, and it all ended with a call for help from the Venice Commission, which concluded that the legislative chamber had not followed the procedure when making the decision on Đuranović, and made several recommendations, the implementation of which is still pending.

Mandić has also been in the spotlight because of his nephew and informal bodyguard Danilo Mandić, whom the prosecution suspects, among other things, of stealing the parliamentary car on the night two people were wounded in Podgorica. The head of the legislative chamber refused to testify in the proceedings, and the ZBCG claims that there is a “fully founded suspicion” that Danilo Mandić is still in custody simply because he is Andrija’s nephew.

There was also a lot of noise about the government's agreement with the United Arab Emirates. In the spring, Spajić presented to the leaders of Ulcinj the intention of Arab billionaire Mohamed Alabar to allegedly invest 35 billion euros in the construction of a tourist complex in that municipality and to lease the entire Velika Plaza beach there for 99 years. Part of the public claims that the agreement is contrary to state interests, which is why they protested.

An event that cannot be avoided is the agreement between the ruling and opposition parties that all local elections will be held in June 2027. They previously agreed to increase their allocations from 0,5 to 0,8 percent of total budget funds through "electoral reform".

The biggest public outcry was over the illegal unveiling of a monument to Pavle Đurišić in the Berane village of Gornje Zaostro in early August. The statue was removed the same day it happened, then moved to the local church, and then to the Đurđevi stupovi Monastery, where it has been lost forever. The unveiling of the monument was preceded by numerous revisionist statements.

In 2025, disputes with Croatia over unresolved bilateral disputes continued. Although there were announcements that an agreement on resolving some of them was close, this did not happen. Zagreb sent diplomatic notes to Podgorica on two occasions - one regarding badges with a model of the ship "Jadran", and the other demanding that property be returned to members of the Croatian national minority.

There were problems not only with neighbors, but also with Turkey, which imposed visa requirements for two months after two foreign nationals, initially thought to be Turks, wounded a Podgorica resident in the fall. This led to a series of xenophobic incidents across the country.

Possibly the most important event of the year was the closing of five chapters in negotiations with the EU in mid-December (plus one in June), after France briefly blocked the "crossing out" of two.

There was no shortage of controversy and harsh words over the announcement of the construction of a wastewater treatment plant in Botun, to which the people of Zeća said "no" in a referendum. The culmination came yesterday, when the police detained dozens of people protesting in Botun, thus creating the conditions for the start of construction of the plant.

Montenegro and the possible fall of Vučić

Part of the domestic, but also European public believes that the situation in Montenegro could be affected by the outcome of the political situation in Serbia, using the thesis that the collapse of the regime of President Aleksandar Vučić there would negatively affect Montenegrin political actors close to him.

Aleksandar Music disagrees. He said that "foreigners" are turning their backs on Vučić, but that they are not "toppling" him yet, and that Vučić is at the same time trying to exhaust Serbian students.

"In this sense, a short-term stalemate is in effect in Serbia: Vučić's conflict with students, his increasingly visible loss of control over parts of the system, and a clear decline in the medium term."

He notes that whoever relies solely on the fall of Vučić as salvation for Montenegro "does not know where they live," saying that the political structure close to him in Montenegro has strengthened to the point "that it now has a complete field-media and its own financial logistics."

"... It no longer needs Pinks, Happys, RTSs, cars with money, laptops and flags crossing the border... All of the above will undoubtedly be present in the 2027 elections - but internal autonomy has also been achieved."

According to him, the only "cure" for this is victory over that structure in the elections, and everything else is "cheap self-consolation, loser's hope in foreigners, and further rotting to the detriment of Montenegro."

Stefan Đukić stated that Vučić's regime has been shaken, but that the big question is when it will actually fall. He assessed that after the activation of the "sound cannon", it became clear to everyone that this government is on its last legs, but that it could last for years.

"If that happens, I think the impact on Montenegro will only be verbal, that there will be no real political consequences, even for those who really trust Vučić."

Ivan Vuković said that he was certain that, after the tragedy that occurred in Novi Sad, the democratic government would have returned the mandate to the citizens, but that instead the regime there opted for a "paranoid narrative of a 'colored revolution'" and, following the example of the 1990s, embarked on a propaganda-political-police "hunt" for "domestic traitors and foreign mercenaries."

"Symbolically, Vučić has thus 'closed the political circle', returning to the time of his radical beginnings. In this version, it is clear that neither Serbia nor the region can expect anything good from him."

Arrests - a double-edged sword

Montenegro has been criticized for years in EC reports for its lack of convictions in cases of high-level corruption and organized crime. Despite the large number of arrests, court proceedings are dragging on, which is a burden on those accused of these crimes... With a series of arrests of people who were once at the top of government, some analysts claim that this could lead to the prosecution of the "big fish".

Aleksandar Music believes that any high-profile arrest ahead of the 2027 elections would give the government a boost. He stated that it is not important for politics whether the prosecution works independently or at someone's behest - because the impact is crucial, and the political consequences are always tangible.

"However, reality is one thing, and political skill is another, among other things in the range of tools and options that you have if you know how to play the game. If DPS had made a radical overhaul when it was time, it would now be in a position where it could label possible arrests as persecution by the failed government and profit from it. In translation - and the desired position of 'victim', one must know how to prepare. However, it did not work, it hid and drove itself into a corner of fear and helplessness. Therefore, if such a major arrest occurs, few people in that party will hear and understand it, in the least useful way, few people in society will hear and understand it," says the interlocutor.

Stefan Đukić assesses that the arrests are a tried and tested concept that encourages voters who are not close to the DPS, adding that the verdicts are expected to be made concrete next year, as well as confirmation of whether "some kind of justice will be achieved in Montenegro."

"The outcome of these verdicts will do a lot for the perception of future arrests. If there are convictions for high-ranking officials, then these new arrests will also inspire voters of the ruling parties," he says.

If the verdicts are acquittals, the interviewee emphasizes that after a "short-term outcry" against the actors in these processes, future actions would be taken with much more suspicion and lower expectations.