In the more than 30 years since the introduction of multi-party politics in Montenegro, parties have left power only sporadically, which indicates that such moves rarely arise from principled reasons, and much more often represent an attempt to improve political ratings before elections, distance themselves from unpopular decisions, and conduct politics primarily through interest, rather than principles.
This was assessed by the interlocutors of "Vijesti", talking about why parties rarely leave the ruling majority and what the political background is behind such moves.
Only a few parties have left power since the introduction of multi-party politics, and the last such move was made by the Democratic People's Party (DNP). Previously, this was done by the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 2016, the Liberal Alliance by withholding support for a minority government in 2002, the People's Party in 2001...
Đukanović: A rare phenomenon, especially among smaller parties
Docent at the University of Donja Gorica Nikoleta Djukanovic She told "Vijesti" that it is true that in Montenegro, political parties leaving power is an extremely rare phenomenon, especially when it comes to smaller parties.
"In the last thirty years of multi-party politics, we have only had a few examples of parties leaving power, mostly at times when the political harm of remaining was greater than the benefits. I think this shows that power in Montenegro is not perceived as a temporary mandate of the citizens, but as a permanent resource that must be preserved at all costs," Đukanović assessed.
She pointed out that in this context, leaving power is rarely based on principles, and much more often represents an attempt to improve political ratings before elections or distance oneself from unpopular decisions:
"If principles were the real motive, then leaving power would be accompanied by a clear programmatic stance that has continuity, concrete criticism of the policies being implemented, and a willingness to bear the political consequences."
Đukanović pointed out that in practice, such moves are often tactical, quite short-term and aimed at preserving the electorate, rather than at a fundamental change in political behavior.
Political analyst Miloš Perović He told "Vijesti" that the rare abandonment of power shows that politics is mainly guided by interest, not principles.
For most parties, as he pointed out, entering government means access to power, employment, influence, and budgetary funds, so they find it difficult to give up that status, even when there are serious disagreements or problems in the work of the government.
"In addition, institutions are weak, and the political system is often based on personal and party agreements, instead of clear programs and responsibilities. This is why coalitions are formed for survival, not for a shared vision," Perović pointed out.
He stressed that an important factor is that voters rarely sanction parties that remain in compromised government, so there is no strong pressure to leave it out of principle. Therefore, such examples, as he said, are the exception, not the rule.
"All of this suggests that political culture is not yet sufficiently developed and that responsibility towards citizens is often subordinated to personal and party interests."
Perović said that the impression is that in the local political environment, interest and political survival generally take precedence over consistency and values, so decisions are often made based on calculation, not conviction.
"If it were a real principle, it would come out earlier - at the moment when a political or moral boundary is crossed, and not just before the elections. That's why we often see a pattern: a long silence, justifying the partner, and then a sudden breakup when it becomes politically profitable."
The last one left DNP
The latest example of an exit from power occurred on January 30, when the Democratic People's Party (DNP) Milan Knežević announced that she is leaving the Government and the authorities in the capital. Knežević announced this at a press conference, after the party presidency accepted the resignations of the Deputy Prime Minister Milun Zogović and the Minister of Transport Maje Vukićević to those functions, which were then confirmed by the Assembly on February 2nd.
This was preceded by the Government's refusal to support the DNP's demands to resolve identity issues - introducing the Serbian language as an official language, amending the Law on Montenegrin Citizenship (introducing dual citizenship with Serbia), and standardizing the tricolor as the "national flag". In addition, the DNP also demanded a dialogue on the, for them, controversial construction of a wastewater treatment plant in Botun.
The DNP parliamentary group recently submitted a proposal for amendments to the Law on State Symbols for parliamentary procedure, which will propose the standardization of the "historical tricolor as a national flag", adding that by the beginning of the regular session, they will also submit a proposal for amendments to the Law on Montenegrin Citizenship.
Knežević said that the party presidency tasked him with initiating talks with the leader of the New Serbian Democracy (NSD) as soon as possible. Andrija Mandić on the future of the ZBCG coalition. The NSD announced on Friday, after a party meeting, that they had expressed a unanimous position that the ZBCG coalition should be preserved...
After the police in Botun carried out an action on December 30th of last year, which ended a two-month protest by the residents of that Zeta settlement against the plan to build a collector there, Knežević said that he would propose to the DNP presidency that he leave the "bloody government", and that, if that party body does not accept his proposal, he would resign from his parliamentary position and the position of party leader...
The exit of the DNP from the Government will not jeopardize its survival, because without the DNP's "hand" in parliament, it will have the support of 48 MPs (at least 41 are needed for a majority). However, the exit from the ruling coalition in Podgorica calls into question the survival of the government in the capital. However, this does not mean its automatic fall, even if a "replacement" for the DNP is not found in the Podgorica opposition. In order for the government to be overthrown, the mandate of the local parliament would have to be shortened, or the mayor would have to be removed. Saša Mujović (PES) resolve...
HGI 2022 left Abazović's government
The then Minister without Portfolio in the Government in a technical mandate Adrian Vuksanovic He resigned on October 22, 2022, stating that he decided to take this step after the events in the Parliament the day before and the illegal dismissal of the Ministers of Defense and Foreign Affairs - Raško Konjevića i Ranko Krivokapić.
The parliament dismissed Konjević and Krivokapić on October 21. The ministers were dismissed at the proposal of the then Prime Minister in a technical mandate. Dritan Abazović, who stated in his explanation that since the vote of no confidence in his Government on August 19, the public actions of Konjević and Krivokapić have continuously deviated from the official positions of the Government...
After leaving, Vuksanović said that the two ministers were dismissed illegally, because Abazović's government had already lost the confidence of the MPs in mid-August, and that the reason for the dismissal was their initiative to erect a memorial plaque at the former Morinj concentration camp. He added at the time that his remaining in the government, even in a technical mandate, "would be a compromise and would betray the values for which he has fought all these years"...
The government of Dritan Abazović, elected on April 28, 2022, formally lasted until October 31, 2023, when a new government was elected. Milojko SpajićHowever, the Government lost confidence in the Parliament of Montenegro on August 20, 2022, after which it functioned in a technical mandate for more than a year.
SDP voted against the Government in 2016.
The Social Democratic Party (SDP) parliamentary group, at an extraordinary session on January 27, 2016, at which the Government received a vote of confidence with the support of Positive Montenegro, voted against, thus leaving the party from the ruling coalition.
Then, on February 22, MPs from the DPS, Bosniak Party (BS), Force and HGI launched an initiative to dismiss the Speaker of Parliament and the then head of the SDP. Ranka Krivokapića from that function.
In the explanation of the proposal, they stated that the SDP parliamentary group voted against it at an extraordinary session on January 27, when the Government received a vote of confidence, thereby unilaterally terminating the Agreement on Joint Political Action of November 6, 2012, concluded between the DPS, SDP, Liberal Party, Democratic Party, BS, Forca Coalition and HGI.
Krivokapić, they stated, as the president of the SDP, was elected as the speaker of the Parliament on November 8, 2012, by the votes of that parliamentary majority. He was removed from that position on the night between May 18 and 19, 2016.
DPS and SDP were in coalition government for 18 years, and their conflict became more radically open years before the split, due to disagreements regarding the privatization and management of public resources policy pursued by the Government, and the effects of preventing corruption.
Prime Minister at the time Milo Djukanovic repeatedly announced that a new majority had been created in parliament, thanks precisely to the fact that the SDP, then a member of the ruling coalition, acted as the opposition to the government in which he had his ministers. This is why Đukanović requested a vote of confidence in the government, which it received on 27 January without the support of the SDP.
The People's Party went into opposition in 2001.
The People's Party (NS) was part of the ruling coalition with the DPS and SDP after the 1998 elections, but left the coalition ahead of the 2001 parliamentary elections and joined the opposition along with the Socialist People's Party (SNP). This political shift occurred due to disagreements over strategic political issues, particularly positions on the union with Serbia, with the NS rejecting the ruling coalition's platform, which increasingly distanced itself from the common state, and thus distancing itself from the DPS-SDP government.
In that government, the NS had a vice-president and two ministerial positions.
After leaving the ruling coalition, the NS entered into an alliance with the SNP and the Serbian People's Party (SNS), in a coalition called "Together for Yugoslavia" in the elections of 22 April 2001, emphasizing a common policy of preserving the state union with Serbia. In those elections, the "Together for Yugoslavia" coalition won 33 seats, while the "Victory is for Montenegro" coalition, consisting of the DPS and SDP, won 36 seats, but this was not enough for it to form a government on its own...
The Liberal Alliance lasted a year
The Liberal Alliance, which supported the minority government of the DPS and SDP of Prime Minister after the parliamentary elections in the spring of 2001 Filip Vujanović, On March 20, 2002, it stopped supporting it. The party decided to take this step after the representatives of Montenegro and Serbia, with the mediation of the European Union, signed the Belgrade Agreement on March 14, 2002. This agreement envisaged the formation of a new state union of Serbia and Montenegro, instead of the then Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The agreement implied the postponement of the referendum on independence, which was unacceptable to the Liberal Alliance.
The Liberals announced that the Montenegrin state leadership, led by the DPS, had departed from the policy of full state independence and thus betrayed previous political agreements.
The SDP ministers soon left the government.
Parliament voted no confidence in the government on May 22, and early parliamentary elections were held in October. The list around the DPS received 47,36 percent of the vote, which gave it an absolute majority in parliament with 39 MPs...
Small parties in double jeopardy
Nikoleta Đukanović says that when it comes to small parties, leaving power carries a double risk.
"In the short term, it may act as an attempt to reaffirm identity and principles, but in the long term it often leads to their weakening, especially in those cases of parties that build their political relevance through participation in government, rather than through a clear ideological or programmatic offer."
Đukanović states that he believes that this is precisely why a paradox has arisen in Montenegro, characteristic of the current system as well as the system before 2020, that some parties remain in power in order not to disappear politically, while at the same time, by remaining in power, they contribute to the erosion of citizens' trust and the weakening of democratic culture.
"Instead of the possibility of replacing the government, we have a system in which political actors rotate within the government, but rarely leave it, which essentially renders the idea of multi-party politics meaningless."
Miloš Perović said that if a party leaves power for clear reasons - due to corruption, breach of agreement or deviation from the program - and if it consistently defends this in opposition, it can build the image of a principled and reliable option:
"Such parties gain trust over time. When voters see that a party has been in power for years and only left when it became unpopular, it is perceived as insincere."
Perović pointed out that it is particularly risky for small parties, because they most often do not have a strong infrastructure or media power.
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