Ministerial positions for pre-election promotion: Does a possible government reshuffle have any purpose other than to strengthen the NSD?

Government reshuffle announced for months Milojko Spajić, could be implemented soon, and the interlocutors of "Vijesti" indicate that there is no serious institutional justification for this on the eve of the election year, and that it is solely a matter of political positioning and preserving the current ruling majority.

Authorities could not confirm to the editorial office that the issue of the reconstruction will be discussed at the Parliament session this week, but they said it could be soon. According to the Parliament's Rules of Procedure, a proposal to change the composition of the Government is submitted to the legislative chamber by the Prime Minister.

Docent at the University of Donja Gorica Nikoleta Djukanovic and a political scientist Miloš Perović They agree that the reconstruction is not motivated by the needs of state administration, nor that it will improve the work of Spajić's cabinet, but rather that it serves to maintain the stability of the parliamentary majority before the elections, and that the New Serbian Democracy (NSD) Andrije Mandić profiles as probably the biggest political winner.

The reconstruction was announced in February, when the Democratic People's Party (DNP) left the executive branch, or rather when the party's officials Maja Vukićević i Milun Zogović resigned from their positions in the Government, after Spajić rejected the DNP initiative to introduce the Serbian language as an official language, amend the Law on Montenegrin Citizenship (in order to introduce dual citizenship with Serbia), and standardize the tricolor as the “national flag”. This left their positions vacant, the filling of which has since been announced as the next, third reconstruction of Spajić’s cabinet.

The political crisis that resulted in the DNP's exit from the state and Podgorica governments was triggered by the issue of the construction of a wastewater treatment plant in the Zeta settlement of Botun, which the party is opposed to. Milan Knežević opposes.

According to previous announcements, the DNP's positions in the government should be taken over by Mandić's NSD, whose DNP is a long-standing coalition partner (although the DNP has left power, the coalition has not been formally dissolved).

NSD MP Jovan Vučurović should be proposed as a minister without portfolio in charge of cooperation with the Parliament, and the position of Minister of Transport could be taken over by the executive director of the Podgorica company "Putevi" Rados ZecevicCurrently, the Ministry of Transport is headed by the Minister of Maritime Affairs. Filip Radulović, who received that position after Vukićević resigned.

The position of Deputy Prime Minister has been mentioned for months. Jelena Borovinić Bojović, until recently the head of the capital's Assembly (she resigned from the position). "Vijesti" wrote at the end of April that Borovinić Bojović allegedly has the support of Spajić's Europe Now Movement (PES) to take office, especially because, as a source in the editorial office claimed at the time, that party is dissatisfied with the work of the Minister of Health. Vojislav Šimun, “who has not done much to improve the healthcare system”.

Borovinić Bojović is not officially a member of any party, but she was elected to the position of Speaker of the Podgorica Parliament from the NSD and DNP lists. She was part of the NSD councilors' club in the city assembly.

In addition to Borovinić Bojović, Zečević and Vučurović, it is expected that part of the Government, as Minister of Sports and Youth, will also become Zoran Jojic from the Socialist People's Party (SNP). Jojić was nominated by the SNP for minister after Dragoslav Šcekić He was dismissed from that position at the end of last year. Joković requested his dismissal from the Prime Minister, because Šćekić is no longer part of the SNP.

There is speculation that the Ministry of Sports and Youth could be "split", with the sports department going to the SNP and the youth department to the PES.

Political gain for the NSD

Nikoleta Đukanović points out that it is difficult to find a serious institutional justification for the reconstruction of the Government at a time when the country is practically on the threshold of an election year.

"That's why I think it's primarily about the implementation of previously reached political agreements within the parliamentary majority and a kind of distribution of political influence among the partners who make up the government," she said, responding to the newspaper's question about whether, in the run-up to the election year - when there are less than 12 months left until local, and possibly national, elections - the reconstruction has any purpose other than to strengthen the NSD.

She believes that the entry of new personnel into the Government will certainly represent a political gain for the NSD, as it will provide the party with greater visibility, greater political influence and more direct access to managing public resources in the period leading up to the elections. On the other hand, she adds that it is difficult to expect that the reconstruction will bring new quality or greater efficiency to the Government.

"On the contrary, there is a risk that it will further complicate the decision-making process and confirm that preserving the parliamentary majority is more important than rational governance of the state," said Đukanović.

She believes that, in this sense, a possible reconstruction says much more about the relations within the ruling majority than about the real needs of the state administration.

"It acts as a continuation of political agreements and the distribution of responsibilities among partners, and much less as an attempt to improve the work of the executive branch or respond to the challenges facing the state," she said.

Miloš Perović told "Vijesti" that when we enter a year with an intense election cycle, government reconstructions are no longer primarily a matter of the efficiency of the executive branch, but of political positioning.

He believes that a possible reconstruction would have multiple significance for the NSD. First of all, he explains, it would represent confirmation that this is an unavoidable political factor within the ruling majority and that its (NSD's) influence is not weakening, but is institutionally strengthening.

According to him, the entry of new personnel into the executive branch would allow the NSD to appear before voters with the argument that it has managed to translate political support into concrete responsibility and greater influence on decision-making.

"For the government itself, however, the effects are somewhat different. Reconstruction is unlikely to bring a significantly different direction to public policies, nor accelerate reform processes. Its basic function would be to preserve the cohesion of the ruling majority, reduce internal tensions, and ensure stability in a period when political focus will increasingly be directed towards elections," Perović assessed.

At the same time, he adds, it should be borne in mind that reconstruction is politically rational only after the completion of the most sensitive processes that require a broader consensus, primarily European reforms and constitutional changes. Only when these issues are closed, the interlocutor emphasizes, does space open up for internal rearrangements of the majority and the redefining of relations between coalition partners.

"Therefore, I would not say that the purpose of the reconstruction is solely to strengthen the NSD. That party can certainly be one of the biggest political winners if it gains additional seats in the executive branch, but the broader goal is to preserve the functionality and stability of the parliamentary majority ahead of the election year," Perović assessed.

Ministers for strengthening party ratings

According to Nikoleta Đukanović, given how little time is left until the next elections, it is difficult to expect that the new ministers can design, initiate and implement serious public policies that would yield measurable results.

She believes that it is much more likely that the period leading up to the elections (all local elections scheduled for June 13, 2027, and then there could also be parliamentary elections) will be used for political promotion, touring infrastructure projects, a more intensive public presence, and the use of ministerial positions to strengthen the party's rating.

Djukanovic warns that at the same time there is a serious risk of more intensive use of state resources for election purposes, including strengthening party recruitment and using institutional positions for political promotion.

"That's precisely why such reconstructions, right before elections, always raise the question of whether the priority is public interest or party interest," she pointed out.

When asked whether Spajić is in a position to not accept reconstruction, the interviewee replies that he does not have much political space to reject the process.

"From the very beginning, this Government has operated on the basis of a complex compromise between a large number of political entities, which is why the survival of the parliamentary majority often depends on mutual political concessions," she reminded.

As she added, throughout his term, the Prime Minister has shown that he is ready to accept the demands of coalition partners in order to maintain support in the Parliament and avoid a political crisis.

"Reconstruction is a continuation of such a model of government functioning. That is why I do not believe that this is a decision that he could have simply rejected, but rather a political obligation arising from the balance of power within the ruling majority," notes Đukanović.

This, he says, also speaks to the nature of this government, so instead of the prime minister determining the political dynamics and priorities of the executive branch, one often gets the impression that his cabinet functions as a result of continuous negotiations and conditioning among the partners who make up the majority.

"Such a model may provide short-term political stability, but it hardly contributes to long-term and efficient governance of the state," Djukanovic warned.

Short period for serious reforms

Miloš Perović points out that with less than a year until local elections, and the possibility of parliamentary elections, the period for serious reform initiatives is objectively short. Therefore, he believes, their (the new ministers') political significance will likely be greater than their managerial significance.

"It does not mean that ministers will not be able to complete individual projects that have been started or accelerate activities in the departments they take over. However, it is unlikely that they will initiate reforms that would fundamentally change the situation in these areas in such a short period of time," he said.

Perović believes that it is much more certain that the focus will be on the implementation of projects that have already begun, presenting the results of the Government's work, and activities that have a high political and media impact.

He reminds that in a pre-election year, this often means visiting municipalities, opening or completing previously started investments, and more intensive communication with citizens.

According to him, politically speaking, Spajić's room for maneuver is significantly narrower than his constitutional powers imply.

"The current government rests on a broad and heterogeneous parliamentary majority in which each of the key partners expects political support to be accompanied by appropriate influence in the executive branch. Therefore, the reconstruction is not only a matter of Spajić's political will, but also of maintaining balance within the coalition," Perović assessed.

As he adds, the question here is not whether Spajić can refuse reconstruction, but under what conditions he will accept it.

"His goal will be to preserve the stability of the Government and maintain control over key departments and political priorities, while coalition partners will seek to strengthen their institutional and political position through reconstruction," Perović concluded.

Third reconstruction

The upcoming reconstruction should be the third "refreshment" of Milojko Spajić's cabinet, which was formed in late October 2023, after the parliamentary elections held in June of that year. The government was initially supported, along with PES and Democrats, SNP, Albanian Forum, Albanian Alliance and CIVIS, by MPs from the then Democratic Front - Mandić's NSD and Knežević's DNP - with an agreement to later formally enter the executive branch.

The first reconstruction took place in July 2024, when the NSD and DNP received seats in the Government (two vice-presidencies each and several ministries, including tourism, spatial planning and transport), and the Bosniak Party then entered the executive branch. With this expansion, the Government became one of the largest in the region - it consisted of a Prime Minister, seven vice-presidencies, 25 ministries and a minister without portfolio.

The second reconstruction followed in April 2025. The then Minister of Energy Saša Mujović At the end of 2024, he was elected mayor of Podgorica, leaving his position in the government vacant. Spajić proposed to the Parliament that the then ministries of energy and mining, oil and gas be merged into one, which he would head. Admir Šahmanović, the former Minister of Mining, Oil and Gas. At the same time, a new Ministry of Public Works was formed, headed by Majda Adzović, former State Secretary at the Ministry of Spatial Planning, Urbanism and State Property.

Đukanović: Instead of rationalization, the government is expanding further

Nikoleta Đukanović says that it is particularly worrying that Montenegro already has one of the largest governments in Europe in relation to the number of inhabitants, and that instead of rationalizing public administration, reducing administration and managing public resources more efficiently, the Government is further expanding.

The interviewee points out that this is difficult to justify with the real needs of the state and represents an example contrary to the principles of good governance and fiscal responsibility "which a candidate country for EU membership should follow."