It's no longer worth keeping quiet Vučić: Why are there more and more people in Montenegro who are ready to answer the President of Serbia

Strengthening resistance to Aleksandar Vučić at the top of the Montenegrin government is the product of several factors - primarily the desire to protect one's own political authority and the need to preserve the pro-European agenda, as well as the fact that Podgorica, while rapidly moving towards the European Union (EU), is aware that the Serbian president is losing support and reputation abroad.

With these words, the interlocutors of "Vijesti" comment on yesterday's response from the Prime Minister Milojko Spajić (Europe Now Movement) Vučić, a few days after the head of parliament Andrija Mandic (New Serbian Democracy) from Fundina said "no" to the regime in Belgrade, and not long after, the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral said that Vučić's interference in the situation in Montenegro does not bring good.

Vučić, who has been speaking more about Montenegro than Serbia in his media appearances in the past few weeks, said the day before yesterday that "Podgorica wants to re-educate Serbs" and that "they want the worst possible relations with Serbia," to which Spajić responded by saying that Montenegro does not want a conflict with Serbia, but that it has a problem with double standards.

"... And it is not appropriate for him (Vučić) to take on the role of Russia's PR from his position and give others lessons on principle. Therefore, one simple question for President Vučić: how is it that Serbia, according to available data, is one of the most significant sources of weapons and ammunition for Ukraine, while sending one message to Moscow and another to Europe?", stated the head of government.

Vučić's close associates quickly reacted to Spajić's statement - the head of the Serbian Parliament Ana Brnabic and formal leader of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) Milos Vucevic, telling the Montenegrin authorities not to look for the culprit for their political problems "across the border".

Brnabić went a step further, claiming that Spajić "asked Vučić for help, advice and support when he fought for power", and that the Montenegrin prime minister "has no cheek or spine".

Spajić's response becomes even more interesting when one considers that he was not in the habit of replying to Vučić, especially not directly. One example of when he responded to him - albeit lukewarmly - was at the end of last year, after the Serbian president said that all the countries of the Western Balkans should join the EU together. However, on several occasions, Spajić, through arguments with a member of parliament from the Democratic People's Party (DNP), Milan Knežević, close to Vučić, "stinged" the Serbian president, alluding to him through the phrase "(in)formal boss from Belgrade".

Perović: Fatigue from "re-education"

Political scientist Miloš Perović He told "Vijesti" that protecting one's own political authority, the need to preserve the pro-European agenda, and pragmatic survival in Montenegrin institutions are the key reasons why public resistance to Vučić's constant name-calling is growing in the Montenegrin government.

"The reactions of Ana Brnabić and Miloš Vučević only confirm that Podgorica has hit a sensitive spot. The message from Montenegro is becoming clearer: the authorities in Podgorica primarily care about their own interests," said Perović.

According to him, for Prime Minister Spajić and his Europe Now Movement (PES), simply ignoring the remarks from Serbia has become counterproductive.

"Montenegro wants to position itself in the eyes of Brussels and the West as an independent state and a leader in European integration. A direct response to Vučić's statements - which point to 'double standards' and the issue of arms exports - is a signal that the government does not accept the role of a junior partner, nor a patronizing relationship. Spajić is thus concerned about his political credibility and demonstrating domestic and foreign policy independence," the source said.

Perović points out that the position of Andrija Mandić and the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, who responded to the Serbian President's statements last week, indicates local pragmatism. He said that Mandić, by participating in government and leading parliament, has assumed institutional responsibility, and that complete political dependence on Belgrade would undermine his capacity for long-term survival in power and cooperation with other actors.

"Most Montenegrin politicians have also developed a natural fatigue from the multi-year narrative of 're-education' and interference in internal affairs, which distracts attention from key economic and European issues," he underlined.

When asked whether, after Spajić's announcement, it can be expected that other government actors will be encouraged to respond to Vučić, Perović replied that the other constituents will certainly join the Prime Minister's position, especially when it comes to minority parties (the Bosniak Party and Albanian parties) which, he added, naturally support the defense of state sovereignty and foreign policy.

"For them, a critical stance towards Belgrade is a constant value," the interlocutor pointed out.

Biševac: Times are changing

Editor at the Belgrade daily newspaper "Danas" Safeta Biševac, told the editorial staff that Vučić is a kind of human form of "perpetuum mobile" - he is forever campaigning, inventing enemies, arguing and accusing opponents and critics in Serbia, the surrounding area, the world...

She stated that Montenegro is an "eternal inspiration" to the President of Serbia because, according to her, he simply does not accept that it is an independent state in which many people identify as Montenegrins.

"The reason for the current name-calling of Montenegro is the commemoration of 'Storm', but it is unusual that a response from Prime Minister Spajić and some other officials came from Podgorica... I don't know if the president (Jakov) Milatović "who, it seems to me, is always trying to smooth things over... I don't understand why Montenegrin officials didn't react earlier or responded lukewarmly," she concluded.

Biševac assessed that in the case of the "landing on Tivat" - when, on the eve of the EU-Western Balkans Summit, an "Air Serbia" charter plane with 87 SNS thugs landed at Tivat airport in early June - the Montenegrin top leadership probably did not want to raise tensions because of international officials, adding that it is clear that the government's survival also depends on the support of pro-Serbian parties, "so they probably remained silent for calculating reasons."

"This is where changes seem to be happening. Belgrade is clearly losing influence among Serbs in Montenegro and is now counting only on Milan Knežević. I believe that Podgorica's more serious reaction came about because they are really fed up with Vučić, and they are also aware that he is losing support and reputation abroad. Montenegro is accelerating its path towards the EU, while Serbia is regressing. This gives Podgorica wings and Belgrade reason to envy," she told "Vijesti".

When asked how the public in Serbia views Vučić's constant messages to Montenegro, the interviewee replied that SNS voters fall for Vučić's propaganda, including anti-Montenegrin propaganda, stating that the government there controls all television stations with national coverage, and that this remains the main source of information for citizens.

"You, fortunately for you, 'got rid of' Dragan Vučićević i Jovan Jeremic (Vučićević was banned from entering Montenegro, and the broadcast of 'Informer' was banned for six months in May, ed.). We can't. Even before Vučić, there was latent anti-Montenegrin sentiment in Serbia, based on the belief that Montenegrins rule. I think that the new wave of denunciations of Montenegro will not be as successful after all," Biševac explained.

She pointed out that Serbia has its own problems - poor living standards, corruption, violence, catastrophic healthcare, and that this is why Vučić mentions Montenegro and other "national identity" topics to "cover" the real problems.

"In addition, Montenegro is too close to the citizens of Serbia for them to fall for such transparent propaganda en masse," the interviewee said.

Democrats: We responded to both Vučić and Plenković

"Vijesti" yesterday asked several government constituents - the Democrats, the Bosniak Party and the Socialist People's Party - why they did not speak out about Vučić's messages, how they view them, and whether they agree with the Prime Minister's position.

The only response came from the Democrats. They said they had no need to respond to every statement from the region with daily political bickering, and that their position had long been known, adding that it was the same regardless of which capital the messages came from.

"We are a political entity whose president and most prominent officials were undesirable in both Serbia and Croatia precisely because we did not agree to our political positions being determined outside of Montenegro. We were accountable to both Vučić and (the Prime Minister of Croatia) Andrei) Plenković "when we considered that their messages were interfering with the internal affairs of our country," the party stated. Alekse Bečić.

They pointed out that they therefore do not accept double standards, which are problematic when a message arrives from Belgrade, but not when they hear from a high-level Croatian official during an official visit to Montenegro that "every stone in Boka Kotorska speaks Croatian" or messages about who from the Democrats is allowed and who is not allowed to lead the security sector and be part of the Government.

They said they agreed with the essential principle of Spajić's message - that Montenegro does not want conflicts with Serbia, nor with any neighbor, and that the policy of double standards reflected in a soft attitude towards the regime Milo Đukanovićand, in a harsh statement towards this government, it does not contribute to the development of relations that Montenegro advocates.

"... We also believe that relations with Serbia should be the best possible. The peoples of Montenegro and Serbia are connected by historical, family, cultural, spiritual and economic ties that hardly exist between any other two countries in the region," they added.

When asked how they view Vučić's messages, they replied: "In the same way as the messages of any other statesman concerning the internal affairs of Montenegro: we note them, respond from time to time, and make decisions ourselves based on the previously outlined principles."

They said that their policy is simple - "we love Serbia, we respect Croatia and all our neighbors, but above all, Montenegro is our homeland, our homeland and our only homeland for which we give everything we have."

Natal charts and presidential elections

The reaction to Spajić's message came from multiple sources, and Milan Knežević was among the first to attack the Montenegrin Prime Minister, saying that Spajić would "be doing birth charts in Sutomore" if it weren't for Vučić.

Independent MP and former PES official Miodrag Laković said that it is true that Vučić helped Spajić become prime minister.

"Together with his satellites, by sending him citizenship data, he prevented him from becoming president of the country, thereby 'helping' him become prime minister and controlling the executive branch," he said.

PES MP Jelena Nedović pointed out that Podgorica is no longer looking for masters or guardians.

"We already had a 'master'. And we replaced him," she said.

European Union official Miloš Đuričković assessed that Brnabić's statement was an admission of Serbia's interference in Montenegro's internal affairs.

He called on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to react, while the Platform for European Serbia said that Vučić's frustration must not be an obstacle to relations between Serbia and Montenegro.